Friday, 8 February 2008

Campus series poses national insight to capital punishment

Campus series poses national insight to capital punishment Print E-mail
Thursday, 07 February 2008
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Robinson
by REBECCA GARDNER

News Reporter

“In 2007, 42 persons in 10 states were executed - 26 in Texas; 3 each in Alabama and Oklahoma; 2 each in Indiana, Ohio, and Tennessee; and 1 each in South Dakota, Georgia, South Carolina, and Arizona,” according to the U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice statistics.

North Carolina does have a capital punishment system, but hasn’t carried out an execution since 2006, according to the North Carolina Department of Correction Web site.

Appalachian State University will host a series titled “The Real Death Penalty: Capital Punishment in America” throughout the month of February, beginning with “The Empirical Realities of Capital Punishment: Does it work? Is it good Policy?” held Wednesday at 7 p.m. in room 114 of Belk Library & Information Commons.

“I wanted to have a series of events that captures real moments of the death penalty and how it is carried out in the United States,” associate professor of political science and criminal justice Dr. Matthew Robinson said. “This is also the title that I used for an article I wrote.”


Robinson will present the first installment of the series.


Robinson said he and Dr. Ray Miller, a professor in the department of theatre and dance who came up with the play “The Exonerated,” have been bouncing ideas back and forth for about nine months on how to promote and celebrate the play.


The series is sponsored by several departments at Appalachian, including anthropology, English, history, political science and criminal justice, sociology and social work and theatre and dance.


Key speakers will include people who have experienced wrongful capital punishment.


“Delbert Tibbs is someone who was wrongly convicted and he is the key character in ‘The Exonerated,’” Robinson said. “I called him and he will be coming to speak, as well as read some of his poetry to make it real.”


Speakers from North Carolina will also give presentations during the series.


“Dr. Barbara Zaitzow is an expert on wrongful convictions and she suggested getting someone from the state of North Carolina,” Robinson said. “She contacted Darryl Hunt who was wrongly convicted twice and spent 18 years in prison in North Carolina.”


“You don’t get many opportunities to hear from top scholars, and this will make it real for [students] to hear actual people convicted and impacted by wrongful conviction,” he said.


In history, North Carolina has had capital punishment by means of hanging, lethal gas, the electric chair, and lethal injection, Robinson said.


“The last death penalty that occurred in North Carolina was in August 2006,” Robinson said. “North Carolina laws required doctors to be present but the doctors did not like that because it violated their ‘do no harm’ oath.”


Doctors would look away and not watch the process, Robinson said.


“No one is being executed until we sort out that issue,” Robinson said. “The Supreme Court should be
deciding a case this week on whether lethal injection is considered cruel and unusual punishment.”


If the Supreme Court decides it is cruel and unusual, there will be no death penalty in the United States, Robinson said.


“This series is happening at a good time, especially for events nationally since all executions are halted,” Robinson said. “Since 1976 when the death penalty started until now, we have released over 120 people from death row.”


All events, with the exception of the play “The Exonerated,” are free.

An already cruel punishment made crueler


Feb 08,2008
An already cruel punishment made crueler
by Marc H. Moria

Clarence Edward Hill, an African-America death row inmate convicted of murdering a police officer in Pensacola, Fla., has been dead for nearly 18 months, but his legacy still lives on.

On death row from 1983 until 2006, Hill was originally sentenced to death by electrocution, but that changed to death by lethal injection in 2000, thanks to a new state law. But he wasn't having anything to do with it.

In a sense, Hill became the poster child for death-row inmates against lethal injection, the most popular form of execution in the United States. Used by nearly all states with death penalties, the procedure requires the use of three different chemicals in sequence - 1) an anesthetic to numb the body; 2) a chemical to paralyze muscles and stop breathing; and 3) a chemical to stop the heartbeat. So improper administration of the anesthetic could result in a very painful experience, one you wouldn't wish on your worst enemies.

In a 2006 editorial headlined "Lethal Cruelty," The New York Times concluded that when poorly administered, lethal injection, considered by some to be more humane than the electric chair, "can in fact be particularly barbaric."

Earlier that year - on Jan. 24 - Hill was just minutes away from the other side, strapped down to a gurney and hooked up to intravenous tubes awaiting his fate. He got a last-minute stay, courtesy of the U.S. Supreme Court because his lawyer argued that the chemicals used in Florida's lethal injection procedure violated the Eighth Amendment, which forbids "cruel and unusual punishment." While the nation's high court didn't rule on whether use of the three chemicals was unconstitutional, the justices did agree unanimously that Hill had the right to make a claim against the state's method. In June of 2006, the court kicked the lawsuit back to the lower courts, which unfortunately ruled against Hill, contending that he didn't file his claim early enough. An appeal went all the way back to the Supreme Court, which denied a second stay. On Sept. 20, 2006, Hill was put to death using the method he fought so hard against.

His death however, was not in vain. Since then, much momentum has gathered around efforts to re-examine the humaneness of lethal injection. Earlier this month, the U.S. Supreme Court recently granted a stay of execution to an Alabama prisoner while it determines whether lethal injection violates the Eighth Amendment. The stay comes shortly after the hearing of a case filed in Kentucky on behalf of death row inmates Ralph Baze and Thomas C. Bowling. Their litigation has put a de facto moratorium on executions by lethal injection since the court decided to take the case in September 2007.

"The idea of a 'humane execution' is a contradiction in terms," observed Jamie Fellner, senior counsel for the U.S. Program at Human Rights Watch. "But if states are going to put people to death, they must choose the drugs and methods that carry the least risk of pain and suffering for the condemned."

Because lethal injection appears to be a medical procedure, the method of execution is perceived to be humane. When it is administered properly, it is humane. But when it's not administered properly, it most certainly is not.

The National Urban League has always opposed the death penalty because it tends to disproportionately affect blacks, who are less able to afford adequate representation when they are accused of running afoul with the law. From 1976 to 2007, over one-third of executed death row inmates were black.

In 2006, according to Amnesty International, the United States ranked sixth in the world in terms of execution count - behind China, Pakistan, Iran, Iraq and Sudan. That's very interesting company to keep, especially for a nation that prides itself in being the world's greatest democracy and beacon of freedom. If our nation is going to legalize an act as inhumane as execution, we, at the very least, owe it to the condemned to make it as humane as possible.

Justice Harry Blackmun, once famously proclaimed that "I no longer shall tinker with the machinery of death." The National Urban League agrees, especially if it entails senseless suffering. Let us only hope the majority of justices will take Blackmun's position later this year when a final ruling comes down.

Marc H. Morial is president and chief executive officer of the National Urban League.

© Copley News Service

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Cruel and unnecessary


Cruel and unnecessary

Monday, February 04, 2008

THE ISSUE: Two families suffered this past week because state prosecutors were so eager to proceed with an execution. The U.S. Supreme Court, not surprisingly, stopped it.

The normal path to a killer's execution is terribly hard on two families - the killer's family, and the family of his victims.

Because issues of life and death are involved, the capital cases receive extra attention from the courts. They are held to a higher standard, and they are regularly overturned and sent back for new trials or additional work. There are execution dates set, followed by delays. At every step along the journey, hopes are raised on one side, dashed on the other.

So it has been in the case of James Harvey Callahan, who was sentenced to death for kidnapping, raping and killing a Jacksonville State University student in 1982. Callahan's first conviction was overturned, and more recently, an execution date was set and then stayed.

But what happened this past week in Callahan's case proved that an overzealous prosecutor can take a bad situation and make it worse.

To be sure, the victim's family most likely would have liked to see Callahan's execution go through Thursday, as scheduled. But U.S. District Judge Keith Watkins in December postponed the execution with good reasons.

Watkins said he wanted first to hear Callahan's challenge of Alabama's lethal injection procedures. Watkins also said he would not schedule that trial until the U.S. Supreme Court heard a similar challenge from Kentucky. It would be a "waste of judicial resources" to do so.

Watkins' ruling came soon after the U.S. Supreme Court blocked the execution of another Alabama inmate - one of a series of decisions that telegraphed the court's wishes to hold off on executions until it settled the lethal injection issue.

But instead of waiting for a resolution, Attorney General Troy King appealed the Callahan stay to the 11th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals. The 11th Circuit ruled Callahan didn't raise his challenge to Alabama's lethal injection procedures in a timely way, and lifted the stay.

By the time the U.S. Supreme Court intervened to block the execution, Callahan was just a little more than an hour away from being put to death. He had visited with his family to say his goodbyes, and the prison system had gone through the necessary motions to prepare for the execution.

Even worse, the mother and sister of his victim, Rebecca Suzanne Howell, had already traveled to Atmore to witness the execution. One of them came from Tennessee. The family called the ordeal "cruel and unusual."

They are right, and King should be ashamed.

King is eager to carry out executions. Tough on crime and all that. Everyone gets it.

But to appeal Callahan's stay before the Supreme Court had ruled on the lethal injection case was to waste prison officials' time and to give two families an extra twist through a wringer that's painful enough.

It was cruel, and unnecessary.

© 2008 The Birmingham News
© 2008 al.com All Rights Reserved.

North Carolina needs to rethink the death penalty


North Carolina needs to rethink the death penalty

Feb 6, 2008 Opinion Jump to Comments

Stephen Dear & Diann Rust-Tierney

Recently, law enforcement officers, prosecutors, crime victims’ advocates and both Republican and Democratic state legislators in New Jersey worked together to pass legislation to repeal that state’s death penalty. Gov. Jon Corzine signed the bill into law last month, making New Jersey the first state to legislatively repeal the death penalty since Iowa and West Virginia did so back in 1965.

Despite some significant reforms, death penalty systems in other states, such as North Carolina, remain awash in blunders, racial and class bias and runaway expenses, and are long overdue for systematic reviews by their legislatures.

In New Jersey, a blue ribbon commission was appointed to thoroughly study the pros and cons of the state’s death penalty and to recommend what measures could be taken to fix it. The commission was made up of victims’ rights advocates, prosecutors and other law enforcement representatives, a retired state Supreme Court justice and many others.

The study found the death penalty to be a deeply flawed public policy and, in the words of one state senator who in 1982 voted for reinstating the death penalty, it is a “false and ineffective choice for taxpayers and residents who have lost loved ones. It has for too long been sustained by mythology and fiction, propped up by outdated rhetoric when courage and common sense would have served us better.”

The commission further found that the death penalty squanders millions in tax dollars, does not serve a legitimate purpose such as crime deterrence, delays healing for murder victims’ loved ones and carries no guarantee against the execution of innocent people.

Other states have begun to rethink our nation’s four-century experiment with capital punishment. The record of North Carolina’s death penalty is far worse than New Jersey’s ever was. North Carolina, however, has never had a comprehensive evaluation of its death penalty system commissioned by the Legislature.

How bad do things have to get before our leaders deal with them?

Just this month, North Carolina declined to retry Jonathan Hoffman, a convicted murderer who had been granted a new trial. He was the state’s sixth death row inmate to be exonerated. Hoffman, an African-American, was condemned to die by an all-white jury in Union County for killing a white jewelry store owner, Danny Cook.

No physical evidence linked Hoffman to the crime. Hoffman’s prosecutors, Ken Honeycutt and Scott Brewer, withheld information about deals they made with prosecution witnesses, what the N.C. State Bar has called egregious misconduct.

Honeycutt is known for having awarded his staff lapel pins in the shape of a noose when he won death penalty cases.

Last month, a judge ordered a new trial for another death row prisoner, Glen Chapman, saying in this Catawba County case that police withheld evidence and lost or destroyed documents, that Chapman received ineffective assistance of counsel and that one of the women Chapman is accused of killing was likely not murdered at all.

Executions are on hold in North Carolina while courts decide whether the N.C. Medical Board can ban doctors from participating in executions and whether the Council of State improperly approved the state’s lethal injection protocol. Much more needs to be considered.

Since North Carolina reinstated the death penalty in 1977, more than 15,000 people have been murdered here. Based on past studies, taxpayers appear to have spent on the death penalty tens of millions more than they would have on life imprisonment without parole. For that, 388 people have been sentenced to death here; 180 of them were later removed from death row and 43 people have been executed.

The General Assembly should suspend executions until it can resolve myriad questions.

To begin with: How were six innocent people, who collectively spent more than three decades on death row, sentenced to death in the first place? Are there any more innocents condemned to die and, if so, why? Why are the worst of the worst almost never found on death row? Is justice served by sentencing the severely mentally ill to die? How does our system allow people to be sentenced to death because of their race or the victims’ race? Why does our system repeatedly allow prosecutors to win death cases by breaking laws and acting unethically? How many more millions of dollars are North Carolina taxpayers going to be asked to spend on Old South justice while these problems go unsolved?

In New Jersey, regardless of initial views on capital punishment, a panel of experts and a bipartisan group of lawmakers faced up to these types of questions. The onus is on those who support North Carolina’s death penalty to confront these questions with the same honesty, openness and courage.

Stephen Dear is executive director of People of Faith Against the Death Penalty. Diann Rust-Tierney is the executive director of the National Coalition to Abolish the Death Penalty.

Sunday, 3 February 2008

Death Penalty Repeal Bill Considered


Saturday, February 02, 2008
By: Anna Jo Bratton Associated Press Writer


LINCOLN, Neb. - An Oklahoma man who spent 19 years on death row came to Nebraska Friday to ask state lawmakers to make sure innocent people aren't executed before evidence can exonerate them.

"If you discover the error too late ... you can't resurrect him from the grave to say, 'I'm sorry, we've made this grievous error,"' 45-year-old Curtis McCarty said after testifying before the Legislature's Judiciary Committee, which is considering a bill that would repeal the death penalty in Nebraska.

McCarty was released from jail in May after a state judge dismissed a 22-year-old murder charge, ruling that the case against him was tainted by a former police chemist whom the judge said lost and destroyed evidence that could have been used to show McCarty's innocence.

McCarty was twice convicted of the 1982 murder of the daughter of an Oklahoma City police officer and was sentenced to death three times. He's maintained his innocence, and although prosecutors said they believed there was still enough evidence to convict him, they did not appeal the judge's decision to dismiss the charge.

McCarty's attorneys contend no evidence linked him to the stabbing and strangulation death of 18-year-old Pamela Willis once testimony offered by the chemist was refuted by subsequent scientific tests.

"I think it's important that maybe new voices be heard on this subject," McCarty said. "I'm just an example of the fallibility of the system."

This is the last opportunity for Nebraska's longest-serving senator to champion a death penalty bill before he's out of office, a casualty of voter-approved term limits. Sen. Ernie Chambers of Omaha has made it a mission to abolish the death penalty in the state, and this is his "last hurrah," he said Friday.

"No matter the nature of the murder, the identity of the victim or the perpetrator, I don't want the state I live in to kill anybody," Chambers said.

The bill (LB1063) would change the death penalty to life in prison without the possibility of parole. Last year, a vote on a similar measure failed first-round approval by a razor-thin margin: 24-25. The bill would need 30 votes to overcome an expected veto from Gov. Dave Heineman.

Nebraska is the only state that has the electric chair as its sole means of execution, and the Nebraska Supreme Court is considering whether that is cruel and unusual punishment.

Meanwhile, the U.S. Supreme Court is considering whether execution by lethal injection - which most other states use - violates the constitutional ban on cruel and unusual punishment.

The closest Chambers came to having the law changed was in 1979, when his bill passed on a 26-22 vote but was vetoed by then-Governor Charley Thone.

In McCarty's case, an FBI investigation showed that the chemist, Joyce Gilchrist, altered her own case notes and may have intentionally lost or destroyed hairs used to convict McCarty so the hairs could not be retested.

Gilchrist concluded after the 1982 murder that McCarty's hair was "not consistent" with strands found at the crime scene - meaning he was excluded as a suspect.

But three years later, when McCarty was tried for murder, she testified from her altered notes, according to an FBI memo. She told jurors that McCarty's hairs were consistent with strands found on the body of Willis, whom McCarty knew.

Saturday, 2 February 2008

Perspective Roundtable: Physicians and Execution

http://www.floridasupport.us/Baze/roundtable.htm

http://www.floridasupport.us/Baze/roundtableTranscript.pdf


Page 1 of 12

Perspective Roundtable: Physicians and Execution

1. Introduction

DR. ATUL GAWANDE: Welcome to a Perspective Roundtable from the New England

Journal of Medicine. I am Atul Gawande, a staff surgeon at the Brigham and Women’s

Hospital here in Boston and an associate professor at the Harvard Medical School and the

Harvard School of Public Health.

In 1977, Oklahoma became the first state to adopt lethal injection as a method of carrying

out the death penalty, in the belief that it would be more humane than electrocution. The

design of the original protocol for the procedure was written quickly, without any prior

study, by A. Jay Chapman, Oklahoma’s chief medical examiner at the time. And

Chapman’s approach became the de facto standard, as other states followed Oklahoma in

switching to the new method.

That method and the attempt it represents to medicalize execution, in order to make it

more morally acceptable, have led to ongoing tensions between the legal community and

the medical community over whether physicians and other health care professionals

should be involved in the process of putting convicted criminals to death.

On January 7, 2008, the U.S. Supreme Court heard oral arguments in Baze v. Rees, the

case of two Kentucky death-row inmates who argued that the current three-drug lethalinjection

protocol violates the Constitution’s Eighth Amendment guarantees against cruel

and unusual punishment.

Page 2 of 12

With me today to discuss this important case and its implications for the health care

community, we have Professor Deborah Denno, Arthur A. McGivney Professor of Law

at Fordham University School of Law and an expert on death-penalty law, Dr. Bob

Truog, professor of medical ethics, anesthesiology, and pediatrics at Harvard Medical

School and also a coauthor of a brief to the U.S. Supreme Court arguing that the lethalinjection

protocol, as currently constituted, does violate the ban on cruel and unusual

punishment. And we also have Dr. David Waisel, associate professor of anesthesiology at

Harvard Medical School and also the author of a much-discussed article arguing that

physicians should be involved in executions, in order to relieve suffering. Thank you, all

three of you, for joining today.

2. The Lethal-Injection Protocol

DR. GAWANDE: I want to start with you, Professor Denno. Now, as I understand it, the

case of Baze v. Rees doesn’t ask if the death penalty is unconstitutional; it doesn’t ask

whether lethal injection is unconstitutional in general; it asks only whether the specific

formula used in the state of Kentucky is unconstitutional. So the puzzle of it, to me as a

doctor, and to plenty of people who are not lawyers, is what is the big deal about this

case?

PROFESSOR DEBORAH DENNO: Well, the big deal about this case is immediately

when the method was adopted, A. Jay Chapman conceded that there were problems with

this formula. There certainly have been problems within the 30 years that the formula has

been examined and used. And now the Supreme Court is confronting that. The biggest

problem with the formula is the second chemical, pancuronium bromide, that is a

paralytic agent. There seems to be no real reason for its use. There’s evidence that it

paralyzes an inmate, so that inmate is not able to — to express himself if in fact he’s

suffering from the effects of the other chemicals.

DR. GAWANDE: So then, let me ask a little bit about the formula, Dr. Waisel. Can you

describe that three-drug protocol and how it’s at least supposed to work?

Page 3 of 12

DR. DAVID WAISEL: Yes. The three-drug protocol is based, at least a great deal, on

what was considered a normal induction of anesthesia when it was developed. First

comes thiopental, also known as sodium thiopental or pentothal, which is a barbiturate,

which is designed to put you to sleep, create amnesia and anesthesia. Second comes

pancuronium bromide, which is designed to paralyze the muscles. And the third drug,

which is not a drug used in anesthesia, is potassium chloride, which is designed to rapidly

stop the heart. The doses used are massive compared to the doses that would be used in a

normal anesthetic induction.

DR. GAWANDE: You raised, Dr. Truog, whether these are the right drugs in the first

place, in your brief.

DR. ROBERT TRUOG: We’ve taken a pretty strong stand that paralytic agents have no

role in end-of-life care. The concern, at the end of life, is that they can mask the

behavioral signs that we look to, as to whether or not a patient is comfortable. And we are

deeply committed to making sure that patients are comfortable and as free of pain and

suffering as possible during the dying process. And since we have medications that do

relieve pain, that do sedate perfectly adequately, there’s no need to be introducing

paralytic agents into end-of-life care.

DR. GAWANDE: One thing that came up in the course of the oral arguments before the

Supreme Court was: Why do they administer pancuronium as part of the protocol? Can

you explain a little bit about the thought that emerged from their discussion about this,

Professor Denno?

PROFESSOR DENNO: Well, according to the state, pancuronium bromide is used in

order to enhance the dignity of the inmate who’s dying, because evidence came out that

without pancuronium there might be some jerking or involuntary movements that would

disturb some of the witnesses. So this would enhance the dignity. That I find problematic,

and Justice Stevens certainly did.

Page 4 of 12

DR. GAWANDE: Dr. Truog, is there a medical reason behind it? And has it lasted only

just because of this until-now-unstated role of making things look dignified?

DR. TRUOG: Well, from the point of view of the inmate, the argument seems bizarre, at

best. You know, imagine saying to the inmate, “You have a choice. You can either be

assured of a pain-free death and you may have some twitching and grimacing, or we can

expose you to the risk of an excruciating death, but we’ll make sure that you don’t twitch

or grimace.” I can’t imagine that an inmate would actually consider that to be a real

choice.

So if we’re talking about the dignity of the inmate, it’s only in the eyes of those who are

watching that — and, in fact, you know, if that’s all you cared about, don’t even bother

with any of the other drugs, just paralyze the inmate. They will look just as peaceful. So I

think it’s completely specious and has no weight at all.

The number one alternative that’s been proposed has been a very large dose of a

barbiturate. And, you know, I know that there’s a number of experts who have said that 2

or 3 or 5g of pentothal is absolutely going to be lethal. The fact is that, at least in this

country, if there’s anyone who’s ever had experience with giving a huge dose of

pentothal and watching an otherwise healthy person die — now, I’d be very interested in

knowing the circumstances — I mean the fact is none of us have any experience with

this. And my concern is that if you look at a country where they really do have some

experience with it, their findings are pretty concerning.

So, if we go to Holland, where euthanasia is legal, and we look at a study from 2000 of

535 cases of euthanasia, I was stunned to see that in 69% of those cases, they used a

paralytic agent. Now, what do they know that we haven’t figured out yet? I think what

they know is that it’s actually very difficult to kill someone with just a big dose of a

barbiturate. And in fact they report that in 6% of those cases, there was problems with

completion — you know, getting the person dead. And in — what was it? — I think five

Page 5 of 12

of those, the person actually woke up, came back out of coma, you know, despite an

intention to give a lethal dose.

3. Cruel and Unusual Punishment

DR. GAWANDE: Professor Denno, in turning to this three-drug protocol back in 1977,

one of the things you’ve written is you said, “The law turned to medicine to rescue the

death penalty.” What did you mean by that?

PROFESSOR DENNO: By virtue of coming up with a method of execution that makes

an inmate look serene, comfortable, and sleeping during the death process, by virtue of

using a paralytic agent, the death penalty in this country was rescued. The humane

application of a method of execution was a key goal. And the presence of doctors, their

involvement, and the association with medicalizing the procedure enhanced its

Constitutional acceptability.

DR. GAWANDE: What does it mean to be not cruel and not unusual punishment?

PROFESSOR DENNO: This is what the petitioner was asking the court to do: “Please

provide us some Eighth Amendment guidance, so states can know how to judge whether

lethal injection is cruel and unusual punishment.” So the court is in the position, or at

least we hope, of answering this question.

The Eighth Amendment has never said, nor have the petitioners ever argued, that

executions are to be pain-free. The question is whether or not that pain is unnecessary,

whether there are alternatives.

DR. GAWANDE: Chief Justice Roberts asked, “Do you agree that if the protocol is

properly followed, that there is no risk of pain?” And the attorney for the prisoners

waffled. And I think he waffled because it’s a medical question. And so I want to turn to

Page 6 of 12

both of you, Dr. Waisel and Dr. Truog. What’s your take on the answer? Is there no risk

of pain with the three-drug protocol, if properly followed?

DR. WAISEL: Define “properly followed.” In other words, the protocols list that this

should happen and that should happen. But does that mean if everything happens

correctly, there are no problems with insertion of intravenous catheters, if there’s no

problems with mixing up the medications, there’s no problem with delivery of the

medications, then yes, it would be pain-free.

DR. TRUOG: I think I agree with Dave. You know, thousands of times, every day,

people are getting anesthetics around this country. Many of them involve the use of

paralytic agents. The risk of awareness under anesthesia is very, very small. It does occur,

and that’s, you know, that’s the risk of the anesthesia being too light under the cover of a

paralytic agent. And that’s what, you know, anesthesiologists live in fear of that

happening. And fortunately, it occurs very, very rarely.

4. Risk of Errors

DR. TRUOG: I think the issue, here, is that people go to school for a long time and do

years of training in order to be able to do this well. And certainly, everything that I’ve

read is that the adequacy of the training for the people that are doing it in lethal injection

is nowhere near adequate.

DR. GAWANDE: So there is a practical empirical question, which is: How likely is it

that errors will occur with the current process of lethal injection? By one measure, there

have been 40 clear botched executions out of a little over 900, which suggests a 4 to 5%

rate of failure. But then, Dr. Waisel, you started to talk about other problems that occur

along the way, starting with drug preparation, where we’ve seen problems appear,

perhaps, at an even higher rate. What’s your sense of how often problems occur, and

what the problems are?

Page 7 of 12

DR. WAISEL: We have no idea what the error rate is, because there is no oversight,

there is no public reporting. So there’s no way of knowing what’s happening where. And

the information you hear worries me, that the process is of less concern. So, for example,

I believe the case was from Missouri, in which they pushed the three drugs, and the

inmate didn’t go to sleep. He was sitting there looking at them.

And he realized the strap holding the arm was functioning as a tourniquet, not permitting

the drugs through. So they loosened it up, all the drugs came in at once. Now in that case,

I’m highly confident that the inmate experienced a great deal of pain from the potassium

chloride. And yet I believe it was the sheriff who was quoted as saying, “Eh, no big deal.

It’s not like we hurt the guy,” or something like that. And so I think that your 4 to 5%

number is dramatically underestimated.

Second, I would argue that, you know, when we talk about medical error, we also talk

about the consequences of if that medical error occurs. We should approach this with the

gravest manner possible. And this should be done perfectly.

DR. GAWANDE: Dr. Truog, we’re talking about you put an IV in, you give some

medications, that’s a routine kind of procedure that occurs thousands of times a day in

any typical hospital across the country.

DR. TRUOG: First of all, putting an IV in is not as easy as it may sound. And being

certain that it continues to remain in the same place also requires, actually, quite a bit of

experience, because these catheters can become dislodged, they can go into the tissue,

and then they won’t work anymore. Furthermore, we know that many of these inmates,

by virtue of their past history of drug abuse or obesity or being muscular, can be very

difficult to start IVs in.

Now, in a hospital setting, we have a lot of different ways of approaching the situation

when we can’t get an IV in or it’s going to be difficult. Most commonly, we’ll just put in

a central venous line. But there again, that requires a great deal of training, far beyond

Page 8 of 12

anything that would be readily available outside of the medical profession. The mixing,

the administration of the medications, routine in any operating room in this country, but

far from routine if you haven’t done it before.

And indeed one of the mistakes that I know has occurred happened to me, as an

anesthesiologist early in my training, when I injected the paralytic agent too quickly after

the pentothal, and they precipitated in the tubing. The tubing turned into a piece of

concrete. Suddenly, I had no IV. And, you know, thank goodness I was surrounded by

very experienced anesthesiologists who stepped in, within moments had another IV, fixed

the problem, and it’s never happened to me since. I learned my lesson. But I know that

that has happened in executions, and it could be a disaster.

5. Physician Involvement

DR. GAWANDE: When Justice Ginsberg asked of the petitioners — she asked, “Is there

a way to ensure proper use of the three-drug regimen?” the petitioners said, “Yes, with

the direct involvement and control by medical professionals.” And so now, then, of

course we come to this fundamental question that all three of you have weighed in on in

various ways. And that’s whether physicians should, therefore, take charge to make death

less painful in these instances.

DR. GAWANDE: Dr. Truog, what’s your take on that, I think, fundamental question: If

you were to have to be executed, wouldn’t you rather have a capable, specialized

physician doing this job?

DR. TRUOG: Sort of as a philosopher, if I think of the kind of a hypothetical where you

have an inmate who is about to be executed and knows that this execution may involve

excruciating suffering, that inmate requests the involvement of a physician because he

knows that the physician can prevent that suffering from occurring, and if there is a

physician who is willing to do that, and we know from surveys that many are, I honestly

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can’t think of any principle of medical ethics that would say that that is an unethical thing

for the physician to do.

DR. GAWANDE: Let me ask a follow-up on that, because I’d be curious to hear from a

nonmedical person’s perspective, but also an expert in the law on this, how you take the

role that physicians should play in this. You’ve written a recent law review where you

would like physicians to actually play more of this role, at least in constituting the

protocol to minimize suffering. Is that still your take on what our role should be?

PROFESSOR DENNO: If we’re going to be executing people, I would prefer to have a

method of execution where a doctor did not have to be involved, where medical expertise

would not have to be necessary. If in fact we’re going to, however, have a method that

would be cruel and constitute suffering if we didn’t have doctor involvement, then it

suggests to me that if there are physicians in the country who are willing to be involved,

or medical personnel, then I would like to think that they would not be chastised or lose

their license or punished by the medical profession for volunteering to take part in an

execution, to relieve suffering.

DR. GAWANDE: Well, there is an argument that I think we have to grapple with.

Steven Miles has made it, a physician and medical ethicist. When he was looking into the

records of what happened at Abu Ghraib, the very exact same question happened. It was:

if you’re a prisoner who’s about to be tortured, wouldn’t you rather have a doctor

available, to help you survive the torture, so that it could be titrated in ways that avoid

killing you inadvertently and also provide some guidance on how it might be made more

effective in various ways?

DR. TRUOG: I’ve thought a lot about Steve Miles’ work on torture, and actually I

welcome the analogy to torture, because there’s been a lot written, there’ve been

symposia about whether physicians should participate in torture. And I think it all sort of

misses the point. Of course, physicians shouldn’t participate in torture. But,

fundamentally, it’s because torture is wrong. And this is sort of returning, now, to kind of

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my views about physician involvement in capital punishment. While I think at one level,

we can justify it, as Dave does very, very well, but I think it’s to miss the bigger picture. I

really believe that capital punishment is ethically wrong.

And, you know, I think that living in the bubble of the United States, as we do, it’s easy

to lose sight of just how much of an outlier our country is. You know, the United Nations

has recently voted to ban capital punishment worldwide. Over 100 countries have. We

stand among a small group of countries that still do capital punishment that I really don’t

think we want to be, you know, in their company.

6. Remedies

DR. GAWANDE: So then, when we come to this question of where can the remedy be

found, the directions that seem to be posed are we involve physicians more and let them

treat the prisoner as a patient, or we come up with alternative protocols that don’t involve

physicians at all. The judges in the oral arguments seemed very uncomfortable with

trying to reinvent the protocol, for the reasons Dr. Truog has just mentioned. That is, it’s

not clear that any alternative protocol has enough experience to show that it works 100%

of the time and it’s pain-free. And so the natural place the discussion tends to go is

towards trying to make sure there’s enough professional involvement. Is that right,

Professor Denno? Was there a disinclination among the justices to be reinventing the

protocol on the spot?

PROFESSOR DENNO: I think there was a disinclination. I think what became clear

during some of the arguments is there’s probably not enough information for the justices

to determine what the next direction should be. You know, my recommendation has been

that there be a panel of experts who would propose what would be a viable method of

execution and offer information that seemed to be sorely needed during the oral

arguments.

Page 11 of 12

DR. GAWANDE: I have to say, it makes me deeply concerned, though, imagining us

sitting around a table at a conference, trying to figure out various ways of executing

people, and then the prospect of what that becomes, that we either figure out that

physicians have to be continually actively involved, and we create a specialty of the

execution physician.

It may not be possible for the court to say that doctors would be allowed to really treat

inmates as patients. And so then my question to you, Professor Denno is: Is it a realistic

thing that a physician could treat an inmate as a patient and that the court would let them

control the protocol, make judgments about how to make the suffering less or more, and

leave them free to have that professional role?

PROFESSOR DENNO: I guess my best answer to you is that they’ve been doing that

for 30 years. There have been physicians, as you know, involved in lethal injection since

the very first execution in 1982 in this country, in the involvement of Dr. Ralph Gray. We

don’t, because of secrecy and the lack of information, we’ll never know, at least up to

this point, the full involvement of doctors. But we have many examples of doctors having

been involved — the doctor in Missouri, Dr. Carlo Musso in Georgia, etc., who have

made these kinds of discretionary judgments about drugs or chemicals and what should

be done.

DR. GAWANDE: So Dr. Truog, if the court says, “We need this to go to an expert

panel, with physicians, lawyers, public citizens, to determine a new protocol for

execution,” would you participate on that panel? And should other physicians participate

on that panel?

DR. TRUOG: I would not participate on that panel, because I don’t think that capital

punishment is ethical. I think other physicians should be free to participate on that panel.

And while I wouldn’t want to prejudge how they might come out, certainly, from

everything I’ve read, I can’t imagine that they are going to be able to develop an evidence

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base for any other approach that is likely to be successful without the immediate presence

of a physician. And then, I think we have to grapple with the ethics of that.

DR. GAWANDE: Dr. Waisel, can I ask you the same question? If they say there has to

be some expert panel weighing this question, would you participate on the panel to come

up with a better execution method?

DR. WAISEL: I agree that it should be wholly permissible for other physicians to

participate, if they wish. I would have to think about it very carefully. A large part would

be depending on the intellectual freedom involved in the panel, the ability to write a

dissenting opinion from what the panel comes up with, and moving away from certain

constraints that are put around this that seem not to permit what I would consider to be

successful ways of nonphysician involvement.

DR. GAWANDE: Well, a decision from the Supreme Court in Baze v. Rees is expected

this spring. And whatever the decision is, it is bound to have important implications for

physicians and the entire health care community about our role in punishment. I want to

thank all three of you for taking the time to sort through these issues, their complexities

— Professor Deborah Denno, from Fordham University School of Law, Drs. Robert

Truog and David Waisel from Harvard Medical School. For the New England Journal of

Medicine, I am Atul Gawande.

Discussion on LI - physician participation ONLINE NOW

Discussion on LI - physician participation ONLINE NOW

Go here :



http://www.nejm.org/Perspective-Roundtable/Lethal-Injection/video.html



http://www.nejm.org/Perspective-Roundtable/Lethal-Injection/

Physicians and executions


From the blog Capital Defense Weekly :


Physicians and executions

The New England Journal of Medicine has posted a roundtable on doctors and lethal injection. From the intro:

On January 14, 2008, the Journal hosted a videotaped roundtable discussion of the issues raised by Baze v. Rees, currently before the Supreme Court, that asks whether the three-drug protocol used to carry out the death penalty by lethal injection causes unnecessary pain and suffering in violation of the Constitutional ban on cruel and unusual punishment. Moderator Atul Gawande was joined by law professor Deborah Denno, anesthesiologist–ethicist Robert Truog, and anesthesiologist David Waisel. What follows are highlights of their discussion about lethal injection, the current protocol, possible alternatives, and the role of physicians and other health care professionals in putting convicted criminals to death. The video, along with a related reader poll and an interactive timeline, can be found at www.nejm.org.

Callahan Execution Stayed


Callahan Execution Stayed

The Supreme Court has just issued an order staying the execution in the case of James Callahan, which we wrote about earlier here. No dissents were recorded. The full text of the order can be found after the jump

ORDER IN PENDING CASE

07A630 CALLAHAN, JAMES V. ALLEN, COMM’R, AL DOC, ET AL.

The application for stay of execution of sentence of death presented to Justice Thomas and by him referred to the Court is granted pending the timely filing and disposition of a petition for a writ of certiorari. Should the petition for a writ of certiorari be denied, this stay shall terminate automatically. In the event the petition for a writ of certiorari is granted, the stay shall terminate upon the sending down of the judgment of this Court.

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