Monday, 5 November 2007

Rehearing motion filed to Florida Supreme Court - Ian Lightbourne

IAN DECO LIGHTBOURNE,
Appellant,
Case No. SC06-2391
v.
BILL McCOLLUM, ET AL.,
Appellee.
____________________________/
MOTION FOR REHEARING
COMES NOW, Appellant, IAN DECO LIGHTBOURNE, by and through
his undersigned counsel, and herein moves for rehearing from the Court’s decision
affirming the circuit court’s denial of relief pursuant to this Court’s relinquishment
of Mr. Lightbourne’s All Writs Petition. In support thereof, Mr. Lightbourne,
through counsel, would show:
1. On November 1, 2007, this Court issued its decision affirming the
circuit court’s denial of relief. The opinion is clear that it is “Not final until time
expires to file rehearing motion, and if filed, determined.” Lightbourne v.
McCollum, __ So. 2d __ slip opinion at 57 (Fla. Nov. 1, 2007). This motion for
rehearing is timely filed pursuant to this Court’s Order, dated November 1, 2007,
that any motion for rehearing filed pursuant to Florida Rule of Appellate Procedure
9.330 “shall be filed by 4:00 p.m. Monday, November 5, 2007.”


2. This motion does not raise all such points relating to all of the
arguments that Mr. Lightbourne addressed in this appeal. Mr. Lightbourne in no
way abandons and/or waives any claims or arguments previously presented which
are not expressly addressed in this motion for rehearing.
3. This Court misapprehended and overlooked important points of law
and fact in deciding Mr. Lightbourne’s claims and ultimately reached the wrong
conclusion regarding his Eighth Amendment challenge to Florida’s lethal injection
procedures. This Court essentially denied Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge on the
grounds that 1) the DOC is still entitled to the presumption that it will properly
perform its duties, and 2) the addition of a pause to assess the inmate’s
consciousness after the administration of the first drug is adequate to ensure that
the inmate will not feel the pain of the second and third drugs. This Court’s
ultimate conclusions are wrong, however, for the reasons spelled out below,
including: the failure to choose a standard by which to review Mr. Lightbourne’s
claims; the failure to recognize that the DOC is not entitled to the presumption that
it will follow its own procedures; the failure to recognize that Mr. Lightbourne did
not receive a full and fair hearing below and that this Court was not afforded the
complete picture of the issues; the failure to recognize and address the problems
with the assessment of the inmate’s unconsciousness; the failure to recognize that
the three-drug cocktail is part and parcel of the procedures; and the


misunderstanding of the significance of the Dyehouse memoranda.
STANDARD BY WHICH TO EVALUATE AN
EIGHTH AMENDMENT METHOD OF
EXECUTION CHALLENGE

4. This Court expended considerable effort listing the United States
Supreme Court precedent regarding the “measuring stick” by which to evaluate
Eighth Amendment challenges to a method of execution, outlining Florida’s
jurisprudence on methods of execution, summarizing the history of lethal injection
in Florida, and explicitly recognized that the United States Supreme Court recently
granted certiorari in Baze v. Rees.1 The Court acknowledged that it is unknown
what exact standard the Supreme Court will employ, but then denied Mr.
Lightbourne’s Eighth Amendment challenge to Florida’s lethal injection
procedures without even choosing a standard by which to analyze Mr.
Lightbourne’s challenge. Rather, this Court listed various standards used by state
and federal courts throughout the country, but did not give any meaningful
discussion of what the standards mean or how they must be met. Although this
Court also cited the standard enunciated in Jones v. State, 701 So. 2d 76 (Fla.
1997) and relied upon the circuit court, it discussed and denied Mr. Lightbourne’s
claim without using that or any other decipherable standard.
5. As the Petitioners in Baze pointed out, aside from the fact that

1 76 U.S.L.W. 3154 (U.S. Sept. 25, 2007) (No. 07-5439).

different courts throughout the country are citing to different standards by which to
review method of execution challenges, the courts are also failing to give any
guidance on how the standards apply, and what an inmate must prove in order to
show that he has met the standard.2 Likewise, this Court, by failing to choose a
standard to apply to Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge, left Mr. Lightbourne—and the

2 Is a method of execution cruel and unusual punishment in violation
of the Eighth Amendment only if it causes “torture or a lingering
death?” Or, is it cruel and unusual if the pain is “purposeless and
needless,” even if it is known to not cause “torture or a lingering
death?” Does this mean that chemicals or procedures used in lethal
injection are purposeless and needless in violation of the cruel and
unusual punishment when other chemicals that are less painful could
be used? Perhaps, all that needs to be shown is that the chemicals and
procedures inflict “unnecessary” pain? But, does this mean that
whenever a state does not replace the lethal injection chemicals with
readily available less painful chemicals, the Eighth Amendment is
violated? Or is “unnecessary and wanton infliction of pain”
considered to be one thing, whereby it must be shown that it is both
“unnecessary” and “wanton” for an Eighth Amendment violation to
be found? Or, is establishing an “objectively intolerable risk of harm”
all that is needed? Is a risk of pain automatically objectively
intolerable where alternative chemicals could be used, or does the risk
need to be shown to be “substantial?” Do these different articulations
of the cruel and unusual punishment standard work together so that
the Eighth Amendment is violated where a risk of pain and suffering
becomes “unnecessary” because other chemicals could be used that
pose less of a risk?
Petitioner’s Petition for Writ of Certiorari at 14, Baze v. Rees, No. 07-5439 (U.S.
Sept. 25, 2007). In addition to the lengthy discussion regarding the appropriate
standard for a method of execution challenge, Baze urges the Supreme Court to
articulate precisely what proof and evidence need be presented to meet the
standard, in other words, to define the standard once determined. Petition at 15,
22.

rest of the inmates awaiting execution on Florida’s death row—without any
guidance as to how to prove that Florida’s method of execution violates the Eighth
Amendment.
6. The bottom line is that this Court did not and could not analyze Mr.
Lightbourne’s challenge under any standard because, as this Court recognized, it is
unknown what standard the United States Supreme Court will decide to employ.
To deny Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge without applying any decipherable standard,
or providing any definition or explanation of how the standard is being applied
violates Mr. Lightbourne’s due process rights and his opportunity to be heard.
7. This Court concluded that Mr. Lightbourne’s claim would fail even
under the “foreseeable risk” and “unnecessary risk” standards, because “it is
undisputed that there is no risk of pain if the inmate is unconscious before the
second and third drugs are administered.” Slip opinion at 55-56. This Court’s
reasoning here evinces a grave misapprehension of points of facts and law. The
risk that has been the focus of Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge is the risk that the
inmate will not receive inadequate anesthesia and therefore, the inmate will
not be unconscious before the administration of the second and third drugs,
and the DOC personnel will not know and/ or correct it. Assuming arguendo,
that the standard is that most favorable to Mr. Lightbourne, to say that the
inadequate delivery of the anesthesia is not foreseeable ignores entirely the Diaz


execution and the evidence adduced below.
8. The inadequate delivery of anesthesia is foreseeable under Florida’s
current lethal injection procedures because it has happened at least once during the
execution of Angel Diaz, if not more times during the execution of other inmates.
The testimony at the evidentiary hearing indicated that in fact the execution of
another inmate took just as long as the Diaz execution (R. 1169). Further, at the
February 9, 2007 meeting of the Governor’s Commission on Administration of
Lethal Injection, the primary executioner for the Diaz execution testified that
“There were a few other times in other executions that I changed from Line A
to Line B,” which indicates that there had been problems with injecting the drugs
into inmates during other executions. (Def. Exh. 20 at 83)(emphasis added). The
“Dyehouse memos” further seem to indicate that DOC may have knowledge that
other inmates were not rendered unconscious and thereby suggest the need for such
an assessment.
9. Contrary to this Court’s conclusion that the problem has been
remedied by a pause after the administration of the sodium thiopental to have non-
medical personnel check to see if the inmate is unconscious, the addition of this
pause does not adequately remedy the risk. This conclusion further ignores crucial
facts and evidence.


3 This Court attributes Dr. Sperry with opining that the sodium thiopental would
have been absorbed first when injected subcutaneously, however, Dr. Sperry
admitted that he was not aware of the sequence in which the chemicals were
injected into Diaz, his opinion was based solely on his assumption that the
sodium thiopental was injected first. (R. 4365-66). His lack of knowledge and
expertise regarding the three drugs used for lethal injection was highlighted by
both Dr. Dershwitz and Dr. Heath who were unaware of anyone ever having
studied the subcutaneous kinetics of sodium thiopental or pancuronium bromide.
Dr. Sperry simply does not have the expertise of an anesthesiologist.
ASSESSMENT AND MONITORING OF UNCONSCIOUSNESS
10. This Court asserted that “it is undisputed that there is no risk of pain if
the inmate is unconscious before the second and third drugs are administered.”
Again, this is entirely the wrong focus for evaluating Mr. Lightbourne’s claims and
ignores the problems and complications that follow inadequate delivery of sodium
thiopental, including the complications and difficulty in assessing whether an
inmate is rendered sufficiently anesthetized.
11. In rejecting the testimony of Dr. Heath, this Court accepted the
contrary opinion of Dr. Sperry that the DOC’s method of assessing consciousness
is acceptable. Yet, Dr. Sperry is a medical examiner with no clinical experience in
over 25 years (R. 4403). Dr. Heath is a board certified anesthesiologist. If this
Court is finding that Dr. Sperry is more credible, it is in no position to do so.3 The
lower court made no credibility findings in this regard and Mr. Lightbourne was
denied the opportunity to present the in-court testimony of Dr. Heath regarding the
newest procedures, thereby preventing the lower court from being in a position to


4 Despite the obvious signs that Mr. Diaz was not rendered unconscious by the
sodium thiopental, the “medically qualified” personnel approved of the delivery of
the pancuronium bromide and potassium chloride.
make those findings.
12. The Court’s reasoning ignores the very real risk that an inmate may
not receive the entire dose of sodium thiopental. In Diaz, the fact that he did not
receive adequate anesthesia was obvious because he was still speaking (R. 955-
956, 1409, 2192), asked “what’s happening” at one point, and turned his head to
look at the clock behind him. (R. 1131, 1182, 178, 200, 1826, 2054). Clearly, he
was not unconscious after the administration of sodium thiopental.4 However,
there are varying levels of anesthesia in which the lack of anesthesia would not be
so obvious. As Dr. Heath explained:
There are different levels or depth of anesthesia ranging
from a person who is just sedated but or groggy but who
could still respond to stimulation down progressively to a
person who's had so much anesthetic drug that there's no
electrical activity in their brain whatever so far and their
bodies have no response to any kind of stimulation.

(R. 4478). Specifically:
Are the[y] lightly anesthetized so that a stimulation might
wake them up? Are they very deeply anesthetized so you
can do anything to their body and it would cause no
response whatsoever.
(R. 4483). Therefore, while an inmate may not feel someone shaking him or
brushing his eyelashes, he may be insufficiently anesthetized so that he would feel

5 Of course in the contest of a judicial execution under Florida’s lethal injection
procedures, the pancuronium bromide would mask any signs of pain or movement.
the effects of a noxious stimuli, such as the potassium chloride. Dr. Heath testified
that a surgical patient may not respond to shaking shoulders and calling of his
name, but when you begin operating, hurting the patient, then the patient would
“jump off the table” (R. 3935).5 While it may be appropriate to conduct a basic
neurological assessment by shaking a person and calling their name before
conducting CPR, it is not appropriate in this context. The Court misunderstands
this crucial medical testimony.
13. The Court is satisfied with Warden Cannon’s lack of medical
qualifications because the procedures require “consultation.” Although the
procedures do not specify with whom the Warden will consult, Warden Cannon
testified that the technical team member who inserted the IVs would be responsible
for confirming his assessment of consciousness. Notwithstanding the fact that this
technical team member does so from another room by viewing the inmate’s face
through a monitor, there is no information known regarding any of the technical
team members’ qualifications and/or clinical experience in the assessment of
anesthetic depth. Certainly, there is no information that a phlebotomist would be
trained and experienced in monitoring anesthetic depth.
14. Causes of an inmate receiving insufficient anesthesia include not only
subcutaneous injection as occurred in Diaz, but also where the catheter is in the


vein, but the vein has a hole in it and is leaking, which happens where there has
been multiple attempts at inserting an IV (R. 4452). Additionally, insufficient
anesthesia may result from improper mixing of the drugs or leaks in the IV tubing
(R. 4479). In these instances, an inmate may receive some but not all of the
anesthesia. Where the inmate has received insufficient anesthesia, even if the
warden correctly determines that the inmate is unconscious, the inmate could wake
up after the administration of pancuronium bromide. Since the warden and even
the DOC’s medical personnel are not qualified to assess depth of anesthesia in a
paralyzed person, the inmate would be conscious and suffer agonizing pain and no
one would be able to detect or correct it.
15. This Court ignored Dr. Heath’s testimony in this regard. Dr. Heath
explained the problems associated with monitoring consciousness where
pancuronium bromide is used:

If you don't have pancuronium there and the prisoner is in pain then
they will presumably or very likely vocalize, they'll scream or
whatever they'll wriggle around, and everybody will know that
something isn't right, the prisoner needs more anesthesia.
Once you give somebody pancuronium, you have no idea if they're
wide awake or not from looking across the room. You can't
possibly tell if a person's wide awake or deeply asleep, they'll look
exactly the same. So, it totally thwarts the ability in this context to
assess level of consciousness.
(R. 4507)(emphasis added). As Dr. Heath stated, the Florida DOC “does not seem

to understand that a patient or prisoner who has been paralyzed by pancuronium
would not and can not evince any voluntary or reflexive movement whatsoever,
regardless of whether they were wide awake and experiencing suffocation and the
pain of potassium injection.” (R. 6271).
16. Additionally, newly discovered evidence supports Mr. Lightbourne’s
claims. Dr. David Varlotta, an anesthesiologist who was appointed to the
Governor’s Commission, recently indicated his agreement with the inadequacy of
the procedures stating: "I cannot agree that individuals without advanced medical
training would have the ability to adequately assess the level of anesthetic depth."
Meg Laughlin and Jacob H. Fries, Lethal method okay in Florida, St. Petersburg
Times (Nov. 2, 2007). This Court was impressed by the DOC’s response to the
Diaz execution and its claimed adoption of the Governor’s Commission. Yet, this
Court failed to acknowledge that the most knowledgeable participants regarding
medicine and medical procedure refrained from providing their medical expertise
or consent to the recommendations. Dr. David Varlotta was one of the medical
experts who refrained from rendering his advice to the Governor’s Commission.
17. This Court misses the significance that DOC must be assessing an
inmate for depth of anesthesia. Dr. Heath emphasized that when you are using the
three drugs set forth in Florida’s lethal injection procedures, depth of anesthesia is
“extremely important” because the potassium chloride causes extreme pain and the


pancuronium bromide would cause the agony of suffocation (R. 2487). Because of
the degree of pain and agony associated with these drugs a surgical plane of
anesthesia is required. The DOC continues to ignore this requirement by failing to
provide an adequate assessment of anesthetic depth by qualified and trained
personnel.

LIGHTBOURNE’S CHALLENGE TO FLORIDA’S THREE-DRUG
COMBINATION AND THE LANCET ARTICLE
18. This Court stated that “Lightbourne does not explicitly challenge the
use of the three-drug combination, although he does question the necessity for the
use of pancuronium bromide, given that the dosage of sodium thiopental is
sufficient to cause death.” Slip opinion at 50-51. Further, this Court stated that
“Lightbourne does not assert that the amount of sodium thiopental is inadequate,
thereby disavowing any agreement with the Lancet article, which had been the
subject of prior challenges to lethal injection.” Id. at 50. This Court overlooked or
misapprehended both Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge to Florida’s lethal injection
procedures and the meaning of the Lancet article.
19. Contrary to this Court’s assertion, Mr. Lightbourne did challenge the
use of the three-drug combination in Florida’s lethal injection procedures in his All
Writs Petition:

Petitioners, through undersigned counsel, petition this Court to invoke
its All Writs jurisdiction and address whether the State of Florida’s
current lethal injection procedures… involve the unnecessary and

6 Additionally, in February 2006, Mr. Lightbourne filed a successive Rule 3.851
motion in which he explicitly challenged the three-drug combination used in
Florida’s lethal injection procedures. On April 16, 2007, this Court affirmed the
circuit court’s denial of postconviction relief, and stated:
[A]s a result of Angel Diaz’s execution by lethal injection, a series of
events occurred that the trial court could not have considered in
denying Lightbourne’s motion. The impact of those events on the
constitutionality of Florida’s lethal injection procedures is currently
being litigated in Lightbourne v. McCollum, SC06-2391.
Accordingly, we conclude that the better course is to allow that case
to proceed, in which Lightbourne has reasserted his public records
request and in which an evidentiary hearing will be held in May 2007.
Lightbourne v. State, No. SC06-1241 (Fla. Apr. 16, 2007)(unpublished order).
wanton infliction of pain contrary to contemporary standards of
decency in violation of the Eighth Amendment to the U.S.
Constitution and the corresponding provision of the Florida
Constitution.
(All Writs Petition at 9). Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge throughout these
proceedings has been to the procedures that the DOC uses to carry out executions
by lethal injection. There can be no question that part of the procedures is the
actual three-drug combination designed to kill the condemned inmate.6 As this
Court recognized, Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge to Florida’s lethal injection
procedures necessarily involves a challenge to the drugs used: “It is important to
review these claims in conjunction with each other since the chemicals used, the
training and certification, and the assessment of consciousness all affect each
other.” Slip opinion at 51.
20. Despite the recognition that review of Mr. Lightbourne’s claims


involves the chemicals used, this Court’s assertion that because “Lightbourne does
not assert that the amount of sodium thiopental is inadequate” he “disavow[s] any
agreement with the Lancet article” demonstrates a misapprehension of the Lancet
article and/or the facts adduced below. Id. at 50. The authors of the Lancet article
studied postmortem blood samples of inmates who had been executed by lethal
injection in Arizona, Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina and found that
“[a]lthough the protocols of all four states are similar to those of Texas and
Virginia, and specify that 2 g thiopental is used, concentrations of the drug in the
blood ranged from only trace amounts to 370 mg/L.” Leonidas G. Koniaris et al.,
Inadequate anaesthesia in lethal injection for execution, 365 The Lancet 1412,
1413 (2005). Based on their findings relating to postmortem concentrations of
sodium thiopental, along with the fact that “[b]y contrast with its medical
applications, however, anesthesia in execution has not been subjected to clinical
trials, governmental regulation, extensive training of practitioners, standardization,
or the supervision or peer-review and medicolegal liability,” the authors postulated
that anesthesia methods in executions are inadequate, and that “[f]ailures in
protocol design, implementation, monitoring and review might have led to the
unnecessary suffering of at least some of those executed.” Id. at 1414 (emphasis
added). In other words, the point that the authors of the Lancet article made was
not that the amount of sodium thiopental specified in the lethal injection protocols


studied is inadequate; rather, they claimed that “[t]he assumption that 2 g
thiopental assures anaesthesia is overly simplistic” for various reasons, including
the fact that “technical difficulties or procedural errors by poorly trained
executioners might hinder administration of the total dose.” Id. at 1412.
(emphasis added).
21. While Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge to Florida’s lethal injection
procedures necessarily involves a challenge to the three-drug combination used,
the focus of Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge has been the problems associated with
carrying out the procedures, including the problems which the Lancet article
authors pointed to as reasons why inmates may have received inadequate
anesthesia. To reason that because Mr. Lightbourne does not assert that the
amount of sodium thiopental is inadequate, he thereby disavows any agreement
with the Lancet article is simply wrong and evinces a misapprehension of the
Lancet article and/or Mr. Lightbourne’s claim and the facts of this case.
22. As Mr. Lightbourne has argued throughout these proceedings, the use
of this combination of drugs creates a risk that the inmate will experience
excruciating pain if the dose of sodium thiopental is not sufficient to produce
anesthesia or is not properly administered to induce anesthesia prior to the
injection of the pancuronium bromide and the potassium chloride. Mr.
Lightbourne has emphasized that since the protocol does not provide for adequate


means for assessing and monitoring the inmate’s consciousness after the
administration of the sodium thiopental, there is no means of determining whether
the inmate is in fact awake and feeling the painful effects of the pancuronium
bromide and potassium chloride.
FULL AND FAIR HEARING

23. This Court rejected Mr. Lightbourne’s claim that he was denied a full
and fair hearing in the proceedings below in violation of his constitutional right to
due process on the basis that none of the issues about which Mr. Lightbourne
complained amounted to the denial of a full and fair hearing or “prevented this
Court from obtaining a complete picture of the issues raised by Lightbourne
regarding his lethal injection claim and any alleged deficiencies.” Slip opinion at
9. Contrary to this Court’s opinion, the Court did not obtain a complete picture of
the issues. The Court’s ultimate conclusion that Florida’s lethal injection
procedures are not unconstitutional was reached without the testimony of the most
critical people involved in the lethal injection process—the executioners and the
so-called medically qualified personnel.
24. The refusal to allow Mr. Lightbourne the opportunity to question the
people who will carry out executions has led to the blind presumption of deference
to the executive branch in fulfilling its obligations. Mr. Lightbourne tried at every
turn in the proceedings below to learn information from and present the testimony


7 Taylor v. Crawford, 2006 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 42949 (W.D. Mo. June 26, 2006).
of the executioners and so-called medically qualified personnel who participated in
the Diaz execution and who will participate in future executions (and to this day
does not know whether the individuals are the same). It is a denial of due process
to deny Mr. Lightbourne the opportunity to learn or present information necessary
to overcome the presumption that the DOC will properly perform its duties. In
other states where defendants have been afforded the opportunity to question
individuals serving as executioners or medical personnel, defendants have learned
facts which certainly overcome the presumption here that the DOC will properly
perform its duties. For example, a defendant in Missouri discovered that a doctor
responsible for mixing the chemicals used in executions was dyslexic and
sometimes mixed smaller doses of the drugs than were called for in Missouri’s
execution protocol.7
25. Warden Cannon testified below that he was the one who chose the
executioners who will participate in future executions, and testified that he did not
ask whether they had participated in previous executions. Warden Cannon’s
failure to ask such a basic question calls into question the DOC’s ability to
discover pertinent information necessary to ascertain whether these individuals are
appropriately trained, qualified, and experienced to participate in executions. The
information discovered in other states underscores the need for Mr. Lightbourne to


8 Federal courts around the country are allowing depositions of these individuals in
section 1983 actions. Mr. Lightbourne filed the transcript of Dr. John Doe #1 who
was the dyslexic surgeon who was deposed in court before the judge while sitting
behind a screen. A copy of the redacted transcript was later made available to the
public in Taylor v. Crawford, U.S. District Court in Missouri, as attachment “A” to
the motion. (R. 2625-2737). Attachment “B” was the transcript of a court
proceeding where a live audio feed went into another courtroom that was closed in
Evans v. Saar, U.S. District Court of Maryland. (R. 2738-2832).
be afforded the opportunity to question the executioners and so-called medically
qualified personnel. It is not sufficient for this Court to refuse to “second-guess the
DOC’s personnel decisions, so long as the lethal injection protocol reasonably
states… relevant qualifications for those individuals who are chosen.” Id. at 52.
That is exactly what this Court must do, and exactly what courts around the
country are doing in addressing similar challenges brought by other inmates.8 The
judiciary may not abandon its role in protecting individual rights by hiding behind
the separation of powers.
26. This Court has placed great weight on the DOC’s addition of a pause
to check for unconsciousness after the administration of the sodium thiopental, but
overlooked the fact that without knowing the training, qualifications, experience
and character of the so-called medically qualified personnel who will be assisting
Warden Cannon (who has no medical training beyond basic CPR) in assessing the
inmate’s unconsciousness before the administration of two very painful chemicals,
the promise that the DOC will ensure that the inmate is unconscious prior to these


injections is a hollow one. This Court has not had the benefit of knowing anything
about the training, qualifications, and experience of these individuals beyond the
fact that the DOC promises that they have certain letters after their names and have
undergone Warden Cannon’s training. Nor has this Court addressed the very real
possibility that the so-called medically qualified individual consulting with Warden
Cannon is a phlebotomist with absolutely no training in assessing anesthesia. Mr.
Lightbourne respectfully submits that this Court misapprehended or overlooked
points of law and fact in rejecting his claim that he was denied a full and fair
hearing below, and therefore this motion for rehearing should be granted.
THE DYEHOUSE MEMORANDA

27. This Court held that “Although we conclude that the trial court erred
in excluding [the Dyehouse memoranda], we also conclude that its exclusion is not
a basis to return this case to the trial court” because given that Mr. Lightbourne’s
petition was filed as an original writ petition, this Court was able to consider the
Dyehouse memoranda in reviewing the Eighth Amendment claim, “specifically
Lightbourne’s claim of the inadequacy of the procedures in assessing
consciousness.” Slip opinion at 14. In its consideration of Mr. Lightbourne’s
Eighth Amendment claim, however, this Court overlooked and/or misapprehended
the significance of the memoranda and only considered that the memoranda were
probative evidence that the DOC should incorporate the use of a BIS monitor to


assess and monitor the inmate’s consciousness.
28. This Court overlooked and/or misapprehended the fact that the
memoranda are significant and compelling evidence that we cannot rely on the
DOC to carry out executions by lethal injection in a manner that comports with the
Eighth Amendment. Therefore, the DOC is no longer entitled to the presumption
that it “will properly perform [its] duties.” Buenoano v. State, 565 So. 2d 309, 311
(Fla. 1990). Although this Court concluded that Mr. Lightbourne “has failed to
overcome the presumption of deference we give to the executive branch in
fulfilling its obligations,” this conclusion is based on this Court’s overlooking or
misapprehension of the significance of the Dyehouse memoranda. Slip opinion at
55.
29. The Dyehouse memoranda constitute compelling evidence that the
DOC was aware of the risk that Angel Diaz would not be unconscious after the
administration of sodium thiopental and would suffer the pain of the injection of
the pancuronium bromide and potassium chloride—which all the experts agreed
would be agonizing—and, contrary to the advice of its assistant general counsel,
did not take any steps to mitigate that risk in the development of the August 16,
2006 Lethal Injection Procedures. While this Court acknowledged that the Diaz
execution “raised legitimate concerns about the adequacy of Florida’s lethal
injection procedures and the ability of the DOC to implement them,” id. at 38, it


9 (R. 1169; Def. Exh. 20, T. 83).
overlooked the significance of the Dyehouse memoranda in evaluating these
concerns. Aside from being evidence that the DOC was aware of and ignored the
risk attendant to not requiring a medical determination of unconsciousness and
ignoring that risk when carrying out the Diaz execution, the Dyehouse memoranda
are compelling evidence that despite the promulgation of two revised lethal
injection protocols since the Diaz execution, the DOC has continued to ignore
the need for a medical determination of unconsciousness.
30. Furthermore, it is not enough that this Court had the ability to
consider the memoranda in reviewing Mr. Lightbourne’s claim. Aside from
presenting the memoranda as evidence that the DOC has ignored the need for a
medical assessment of consciousness, Mr. Lightbourne needed and requested the
opportunity in the proceedings below to be able to question witnesses regarding the
memoranda. For example, Mr. Lightbourne wanted to question Sara Dyehouse,
the author of the memoranda, regarding her reason for writing the memoranda.
There is evidence in the record that at least one other execution took as long as the
Diaz execution and evidence that the executioner had to switch to a second rack of
chemicals in a previous executions, as well.9 In fact, after receiving the
memoranda on August 7, 2007, Mr. Lightbourne attempted to speak with Ms.
Dyehouse and the recipient of the memos, Rosa (Carson) McNaughten. Both Ms.


Dyehouse and Ms. McNaughten refused to speak to counsel for Mr. Lightbourne
upon advice from the State. Subsequently, counsel for Mr. Lightbourne was
instructed by the State to cease any attempts to speak to Ms. Dyehouse and Ms.
NcNaughten. If the subject matter of the memos is not privileged as this Court
held, Mr. Lightbourne should be afforded the opportunity to question these
witnesses regarding the memoranda.
31. Mr. Lightbourne was denied the opportunity to question Ms.
Dyehouse as to whether “irregularities” like those that arose in the Diaz execution
had happened before, and whether that prompted her advice regarding the
necessity for assessing consciousness. Further, Mr. Lightbourne should be able to
question Ms. Dyehouse regarding whether other similar public records exist. Mr.
Lightbourne was prevented from calling Ms. Dyehouse, Rosa McNaughten,
Secretary McDonough and Mr. Changus with respect to these memoranda. The
record reflects that the Dyehouse memos were proffered only after all attempts at
questioning live witnesses were thwarted.
32. The inability to question witnesses regarding these public records
prevented Mr. Lightbourne from investigating and discovering information
necessary to prove his Eighth Amendment challenge. This Court’s treatment of the
memoranda ignores the fact that similar memoranda likely exist. If the DOC’s
disclosure of these memoranda was inadvertent as it alleged, what other


memoranda have not been disclosed? Additionally, what other risks does the DOC
have knowledge of that have not been disclosed? Any additional memoranda
which exist are subject to being disclosed pursuant to Mr. Lightbourne’s public
records demands, yet, the DOC has failed to do so pursuant to the circuit court’s
July 20, 2007 order. The evidence that Mr. Lightbourne has not been able to
explore is directly relevant to the appropriateness of any continued presumption of
deference to the DOC.
33. The information contained in the memoranda demonstrates that the
DOC was on notice as early as August 15, 2006, that the lethal injection
procedures should require a medical determination of consciousness and should
contain a provision for monitoring the consciousness of the inmate after the
administration of sodium thiopental. The August 1, 2007 procedures still do not
require a medical determination of consciousness or appropriate monitoring
following the administration of sodium thiopental. This Court has overlooked the
significance of the memos.

CONCLUSION
34. Again, this Court essentially denied Mr. Lightbourne’s challenge on
the grounds that 1) the DOC is still entitled to the presumption that it will properly
perform its duties, and 2) the addition of a pause to assess the inmate’s
consciousness after the administration of the first drug is adequate to ensure that


the inmate will not feel the pain of the second and third drugs. This court decided
to afford DOC the presumption that it will properly perform its duties despite
repeated failures to do just that in the past; it is only with the benefit of the
presumption that this Court could conclude that the addition of a “pause” resolves
the Eighth Amendment violation.
35. This Court’s misapprehension of the facts and the basis for Mr.
Lightbourne’s claims serve to demonstrate that Mr. Lightbourne did not obtain the
benefit of a full and fair hearing. This Court concluded that the procedures pass
constitutional muster while relegating the very factors that Mr. Lightbourne used to
demonstrate the constitutional deficiencies to merely a footnote. Slip Op. at 50.
This showed a fundamental misunderstanding of the claims. The “specific
allegations” referred to in footnote number 22 of the opinion is actually a listing of
the numerous examples in which DOC fails to understand the complexity of the act
which it has attempted to undertake in carrying out an execution by lethal
injection. The failure to consider these examples in the context of the big picture
has resulted in a wrong decision by this Court.
36. Additionally, this Court asserted that Mr. Lightbourne relied
“primarily on the opinion of Dr. Heath in proving his claim. Slip Op. at 43. But in
reality, Mr. Lightbourne’s claim depends not only on the expert opinion of Dr.
Heath and now, Dr. Varlotta, but also on the words and actions of DOC personnel.


While this Court relied on the procedures that require that the execution team to be
trained, the evidence established that the executioners and medical personnel rarely
attend the actual training sessions. The best evidence that DOC is not entitled to
the presumption was the steadfast refusal to turn over public records, the failure to
recognize that similar problems have occurred in the past without any effort to
remedy them, and the failure of those responsible for implementing the new
procedures to recognize that there was actually a problem with the Diaz execution.
There remains a constitutionally unacceptable risk that DOC will botch an
execution again.

WHEREFORE, based upon the foregoing points of fact and law which Mr.
Lightbourne respectfully submits this Court has overlooked or misapprehended,
Mr. Lightbourne respectfully moves for rehearing in the above captioned matter.
Respectfully submitted,
_____________________________
SUZANNE MYERS KEFFER
Assistant CCRC
Florida Bar No. 0150177
ROSEANNE ECKERT
Assistant CCRC
Florida Bar No. 082491
ANNA-LIISA NIXON
Staff Attorney
Florida Bar No. 26283

OFFICE OF THE CAPITAL
COLLATERAL REGIONAL
COUNSEL
101 N.E. 3rd Ave., Suite 400
Ft. Lauderdale, FL 33301
(954) 713-1284
COUNSEL FOR APPELLANT
CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I HEREBY CERTIFY that a true and correct copy of the foregoing has been
furnished by U.S. Mail and e-mail to Kenneth S. Nunnelley, Assistant Attorney
General, 444 Seabreeze Blvd, 5th Floor, Daytona Beach, FL 32118, and Rock E.
Hooker, Assistant State Attorney, 19 NW Pine Avenue, Ocala, FL 34475 on this
5th day of November, 2007.
_____________________________
SUZANNE MYERS KEFFER
Assistant CCRC
Florida Bar No. 0150177

The Global Debate on the Death Penalty


by Sandra Babcock; Human Rights / American Bar Association; November 04, 2007

The debate over capital punishment in the United States--be it in the courts, in state legislatures, or on nationally televised talk shows--is always fraught with emotion. The themes have changed little over the last two or three hundred years. Does it deter crime? If not, is it necessary to satisfy society's desire for retribution against those who commit unspeakably violent crimes? Is it worth the cost? Are murderers capable of redemption? Should states take the lives of their own citizens? Are current methods of execution humane? Is there too great a risk of executing the innocent?

We are not alone in this debate. Others around the world--judges, legislators, and ordinary citizens--have struggled to reconcile calls for retribution with evidence that the death penalty does not deter crime. They have argued about whether the death penalty is a cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment. They have weighed its costs against the need for an effective police force, schools, and social services for the indigent. National leaders have engaged in these discussions while facing rising crime rates and popular support for capital punishment. Yet, while the United States has thus far rejected appeals to abolish the death penalty or adopt a moratorium, other nations have--increasingly and seemingly inexorably--decided to do away with capital punishment.

Indeed, the gap between the United States and the rest of the world on this issue is growing year by year. In June 2007, Rwanda abolished the death penalty, becoming the one hundredth country to do so as a legal matter (although eleven of these countries retain legislation authorizing the death penalty in exceptional circumstances, most have not executed anyone in decades). An additional twenty-nine countries are deemed to be abolitionist in practice since they have either announced their intention to abolish the death penalty or have refrained from carrying out executions for at least ten years. As a result, there are now at least 129 nations that are either de facto or de jure abolitionist.

According to Amnesty International, there are sixty- eight countries that retain the death penalty and carry out executions. But even this number is misleading. In reality, the vast majority of the world's executions are carried out by seven nations: China, Iran, Saudi Arabia, the United States, Pakistan, Yemen, and Vietnam. Many Americans know that the nations comprising Europe (except Belarus) and South America are abolitionist. But how many are aware that of the fifty-three nations in Africa only four ( Uganda, Libya, Somalia, and Sudan) carried out executions in 2005? Even in Asia, where many nations have long insisted that the death penalty is an appropriate and necessary sanction, there are signs of change. The Philippines abolished the death penalty in 2006, and the national bar associations of Malaysia and Japan have called for a moratorium on executions.

The international trend toward abolition reflects a shift in the death penalty paradigm. Whereas the death penalty was once viewed as a matter of domestic penal policy, now it is seen as a human rights issue. There are now three regional human rights treaties concerning the abolition of the death penalty: Protocols 6 and 13 to the European Convention on Human Rights, and the Additional Protocol to the American Convention on Human Rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ratified by 160 nations (including the United States), restricts the manner in which the death penalty may be imposed and promotes abolition. Many human rights organizations and intergovernmental organizations, such as the European Union, see the death penalty as one of the most pressing human rights issues of our time and accordingly have taken an active role in persuading countries to halt executions.

The Supreme Court's View of International Law

As the international chorus of abolitionist voices swells, domestic courts and policy makers have engaged in a heated debate over the role of international law in U.S. death penalty cases. The debate came to a head in mid-2005 after the Supreme Court held in Roper v. Simmons, 543 U.S. 551 (2005), that the execution of juvenile offenders violated the Eighth Amendment's prohibition of cruel and unusual punishment. Writing for the majority, Justice Anthony Kennedy observed that although international law did not control the Court's analysis, it was both "instructive" and "significant" in interpreting the contours of the Eighth Amendment.

The Roper Court noted that only seven countries had executed juvenile offenders since 1990: Iran, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Nigeria, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and China. But even those countries had disavowed the practice in recent years, leaving the United States as "the only country in the world that continues to give official sanction to the juvenile death penalty." Id. at 575. The Court looked to treaties that prohibit the execution of juvenile offenders, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which has been ratified by every country in the world apart from the United States and Somalia. After examining these sources and reviewing international practice, the Court concluded that the "overwhelming weight of international opinion" was opposed to the juvenile death penalty.

The Court's majority opinion prompted a scathing dissent by Justice Antonin Scalia. After noting that the Court's abortion jurisprudence was hardly consistent with the more restrictive practices of most foreign nations, he commented: "I do not believe that approval by `other nations and peoples' should buttress our commitment to American principles any more than . . . disapproval by `other nations and peoples' should weaken that commitment." Id. at 628. Conservative commentators and legislators likewise attacked the Court's citation of foreign law.

What many critics of Roper failed to recognize, however, is that the Court has long looked to the practices of the international community in evaluating whether a punishment is cruel and unusual. In Wilkerson v. Utah, 99 U.S. 130 (1879), the Court cited the practices of other countries in upholding executions by firing squad. And in its oft-cited opinion in Trop v. Dulles, 356 U.S. 86 (1958), the Court declared that banishment was a punishment "universally deplored in the international community of democracies." Since then, the Court has frequently referred to international law in a series of death penalty cases interpreting the meaning of the Eighth Amendment.

The Court's attention to international practice in death penalty cases is undoubtedly related to the flexible and evolving character of the Court's Eighth Amendment jurisprudence. In Weems v. United States, 217 U.S. 349 (1910), the Court held that the "cruel and unusual punishments" clause "is not fastened to the obsolete, but may acquire meaning as public opinion becomes enlightened by a humane justice." Id. at 378. In Trop, the Court reaffirmed that the clause "must draw its meaning from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society." 356 U.S. at 100. The Eighth Amendment involves nothing more, and nothing less, than evaluating whether a punishment violates human dignity.

Courts around the world have wrestled with these same questions. When South Africa's Constitutional Court decided that the death penalty was an unconstitutionally cruel, inhuman, and degrading punishment, it surveyed the decisions of several foreign courts, including the U.S. Supreme Court. Like that Court, the South African court did not consider foreign sources to be controlling. Nevertheless, it observed that "international and foreign authorities are of value because they analyse [sic] arguments for and against the death sentence and show how courts of other jurisdictions have dealt with this vexed issue. For that reason alone they require our attention." State v. Makwanyane, Constitutional Court of the Republic of South Africa, 1995, Case No. CCT/3/94,  34, [1995] 1 LRC 269. The high courts of India, Lithuania, Albania, the Ukraine, and many others have likewise cited international precedent in seminal decisions relating to the administration of the death penalty.

In light of this history, the practice of citing international precedent hardly seems to warrant the storm of controversy surrounding it. But whether one agrees or disagrees with the Court's approach, a majority of the current justices favors consideration of international law. In the next few years, a number of capital cases will once again offer the Court an opportunity to look beyond U.S. borders and survey international law and the practices of foreign states.

Execution of Persons Who Did Not Kill

Article 6(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) provides that the death penalty may only be imposed for the "most serious crimes." T he United Nations (UN) Human Rights Committee, which interprets the ICCPR's provisions, has observed that this provision must be "read restrictively to mean that the death penalty should be a quite exceptional measure." Human Rights Committee, General Comment 6, Art. 6 (Sixteenth session, 1982)  7; Compilation of General Comments and General Recommendations Adopted by Human Rights Treaty Bodies, U.N. Doc. HRIGEN1Rev.1 at 6 (1994). In a death penalty case from Zambia, where the prisoner received a death sentence for participating in an armed robbery, the committee held that the sentence was not compatible with Article 6(2) because the petitioner's use of firearms did not cause death or injury to any person.

The UN Safeguards Guaranteeing Protection of the Rights of Those Facing the Death Penalty, adopted by the UN Economic and Social Council in 1984, defines " most serious crimes" as "intentional crimes with lethal or other extremely grave consequences." Referring to those safeguards, the UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary and Arbitrary Executions has concluded that the term "intentional" should be "equated to premeditation and should be understood as deliberate intention to kill." United Nations, Report of the Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary, or Arbitrary Executions, U.N. Doc. CCPR/C/79/Add.85, 19 Nov. 1997,  13.

Yet in the United States, several states authorize the death penalty for persons who are "major participants" in a felony, such as burglary or robbery, even if they never killed, intended to kill, or even contemplated that someone would be killed while committing the crime. In California and Georgia, persons may be sentenced to death for accidental killings during a felony or attempted felony.

Moreover, Texas, South Carolina, Georgia, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and North Carolina allow for the imposition of a death sentence in some cases for the rape of a minor, even if the victim did not die. These laws will be subject to strong legal challenges in coming years, although this will not be an easy battle, as demonstrated by the recent Louisiana supreme court decision upholding a death sentence against an offender who was convicted of raping a child. Louisiana v. Kennedy, No. 05-KA-1981 ( La. May 22, 2007).

Available data indicate that prosecutors rarely seek the death penalty against "non-triggermen," and executions of these persons are few and far between. These two factors alone indicate that the imposition of the death penalty on persons who have committed nonlethal crimes may be ripe for challenge. In the event that the Supreme Court examines the issue, it is highly likely it will consider international practice. In Enmund v. Florida, 458 U.S. 782 (1982), a case involving a defendant sentenced to death under the felony-murder rule, the Court noted that international norms were "not irrelevant" to its analysis, observing that the doctrine of felony murder had been abolished in England and India, severely restricted in Canada and a number of other Commonwealth of Nations countries, and was unknown in continental Europe.

Execution of the Severely Mentally Ill

Although the Supreme Court has held that the Eighth Amendment prohibits the execution of the mentally incompetent, state and federal courts have routinely concluded that severely mentally ill prisoners are sufficiently competent that they may lawfully be executed. Consequently, dozens of prisoners suffering from schizophrenia, bipolar disorder, and other incapacitating mental illnesses have been executed in the United States during the last ten years. In June 2007, however, the Court overturned a decision by the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit, holding that the court had used an overly restrictive definition of incompetence. Panetti v. Quarterman, 127 S. Ct. 2842 (2007). This decision may encourage state and federal courts to take greater care in evaluating the mental status of those facing imminent execution, but it does not prohibit courts from sentencing severely mentally ill prisoners to death, nor does it guarantee that severely mentally ill prisoners will not be executed in the future.

In Atkins v. Virginia, 536 U.S. 304 (2002), in which the Court struck down the execution of the mentally retarded, the Court cited an amicus curiae brief submitted by the European Union (EU) as evidence that "within the world community, the imposition of the death penalty for crimes committed by mentally retarded offenders is overwhelmingly disapproved." Id. at 316 (citing in n.21 Brief for European Union as Amicus Curiae at 4). The current Court likely would be open to considering similar amicus briefs in a future case challenging the execution of the severely mentally ill.

A substantial body of international precedent exists regarding the execution of the severely mentally ill. The UN Safeguards Guaranteeing Protection of the Rights of Those Facing the Death Penalty prohibit imposing the death penalty "on persons who have become insane." In 1989, the UN Economic and Social Council expanded this protection to cover "persons suffering from . . . extremely limited mental competence, whether at the stage of sentence or execution." United Nations Economic & Social Council, Implementation of the Safeguards Guaranteeing Protection of Rights of those Facing the Death Penalty, E.S.C. Res. 1989/64, U.N. Doc. E/1989/91 (1989), at 51,  1(d).The UN Commission on Human Rights has urged countries not to impose the death penalty on persons suffering from any form of mental disabilities. And the EU has consistently asserted that executions of persons suffering from severe mental disorders "are contrary to internationally recognized human rights norms and neglect the dignity and worth of the human person." EU Memorandum on the Death Penalty (Feb. 25, 2000), at 4, www.eurunion.org/legislat/deathpenalty/eumemorandum.htm.

Racial and Geographic Disparities

Arbitrariness in capital sentencing was one of the factors that led the Supreme Court to strike down existing state death penalty laws in Furman v. Georgia, 408 U.S. 238 (1972). Four years later, in Gregg v. Georgia, 428 U.S. 153 (1976), the Court's decision to uphold the newly revised laws was based on its determination that the statutes minimized the risk of arbitrary sentencing by channeling the discretion of capital juries. But thirty years later, factors such as race and geography continue to lead to great disparities in capital sentencing. These disparities have led to a different sort of arbitrariness, one that may not be consistent with international norms.

Studies have repeatedly shown that race matters when determining who is sentenced to death. It has been said that, as a statistical matter, race is more likely to affect death sentencing than smoking affects the likelihood of dying from heart disease. In Philadelphia, the odds that an offender will receive a death sentence are nearly four times higher when the defendant is black. A 2006 study confirmed that defendants' skin color and facial features play a critical role in capital sentencing. And over the last twenty years, social scientists have repeatedly observed that capital defendants are much more likely to be sentenced to death for homicides involving white victims.

Enormous geographical disparities arise as well. This derives, in part, from the lack of uniform standards to guide the discretion of state prosecutors in seeking the death penalty. Prosecutors are almost always elected officials, and their support or opposition to the death penalty in a given case is often influenced by the level of popular support for capital punishment within a given community. In San Francisco, for example, the local prosecutor never seeks the death penalty because she is morally opposed to it. In Tulare County, located in California's conservative Central Valley, the chief prosecutor is a zealous advocate of capital punishment. As a result, two persons who commit the same crime, and who are ostensibly prosecuted under the same penal code, may be subject to two radically different punishments.

Article 6(1) of the ICCPR provides that nations may not "arbitrarily" take life. The term is not defined in the text of the treaty, nor has the UN Human Rights Committee had an opportunity to elaborate on its meaning in the context of an otherwise lawfully imposed capital sentence. In evaluating "arbitrary arrest and detention," however, that committee concluded that arbitrariness encompasses elements of inappropriateness, injustice, and lack of predictability. The Inter- American Commission on Human Rights, a human rights body of the Organization of American States, has found that geographic disparities in the application of the death penalty in the United States can result in a "pattern of legislative arbitrariness" whereby an offender's death sentence depends not on the crime committed but on the location where it was committed. In Roach and Pinkerton v. United States, Case 9647, Annual Report of the IAHCR 1986-87, the Inter-American Commission concluded that such geographic disparities constituted an arbitrary deprivation of the right to life and subjected the petitioners to unequal treatment before the law in contravention of the American Declaration of the Rights and Duties of Man.

These sources are generally considered to be nonbinding. But that does not mean that they are not persuasive. Five justices of the Supreme Court--like many judges throughout the world--find it a worthwhile endeavor to consider international norms in evaluating whether the application of the death penalty comports with basic human dignity, whether it constitutes cruel and unusual punishment, and whether it is consistent with contemporary standards of decency. As the community of nations continues to debate the pros and cons of capital punishment, the United States should take a seat at the table, listen, and learn.

Sandra L. Babcock is an associate clinical professor and clinical director of the Center for International Human Rights at Northwestern University Law School in Chicago.

This Is Going to Hurt


By MARK ESSIG
ASHEVILLE, N.C.

WHEN the Supreme Court last week granted a stay of execution for a murderer in Mississippi, it imposed a de facto moratorium on capital punishment in the United States. With prosecutors in Texas and other states now saying they will stop seeking execution dates, that moratorium is likely to last at least until the court issues a ruling on another death penalty case, Baze v. Rees, probably in June.

Some foes of capital punishment are celebrating this as a sign of a shift in the national debate. They’re mistaken.

Yes, in one sense, Baze v. Rees is a departure. For the first time since 1878, when the Supreme Court gave its approval to Utah’s firing squad, it will rule on the constitutionality of a particular method of capital punishment. But the court won’t rule on whether lethal injection violates the Eighth Amendment, and it certainly won’t decide if the death penalty itself is unconstitutional. Instead, it plans at most a minor tuneup, a bit of tinkering intended to salve the national conscience regarding the infliction of pain.

The question in Baze v. Rees is how to determine whether Kentucky’s particular lethal injection protocol constitutes cruel and unusual punishment. The court will consider if a three-drug cocktail used to sedate and kill prisoners — a protocol Kentucky shares with three dozen other states — carries an “unnecessary” risk of pain.

The precedent here is a 1947 Supreme Court ruling that “the traditional humanity of modern Anglo-American law forbids the infliction of unnecessary pain.” The phrasing raises a question: How much pain is necessary?

It was only in the 1850s or so that Americans became squeamish about the pain suffered by executed prisoners. Before that, pain wasn’t a problem; it was the point. Through drawing and quartering, beheading, shooting or hanging, the state inscribed its power on the body of the convict and provided a lesson in the perils of disobedience.

But as humanitarian sentiments took hold, cruelty became repugnant. Americans grew reluctant to inflict pain, but they were unwilling to abandon capital punishment. They wanted to preserve the alleged social benefits — retributive justice and deterrence — but eliminate the unsightly infliction of pain.

It’s important to spell out whose suffering has been at stake. Courts have tended to focus on what the prisoner feels, but the state officials who determine execution methods have always been equally solicitous of witnesses. Condemned men might well suffer least with the quick and sure guillotine, but Americans reject that method as too gruesome — too painful, in other words, for those watching the spouting blood.

It seems that an added measure of pain for the prisoner is necessary to protect the sensibilities of witnesses and the public. Starting in the 1850s, such sensitivities gave rise first to improved hanging methods and later to the electric chair, the gas chamber and lethal injection. Each method was promoted as less painful for the prisoner and less emotionally fraught for those who watch.

Baze v. Rees falls within this progression. The appellants are fighting not for their lives but for a more efficient cocktail of deadly drugs. In the current protocol, the first drug is intended to produce unconsciousness, the second to paralyze the muscles and the third to stop the heart. In some cases, the appellants say, the first drug fails, leaving prisoners awake but unable to move or speak as they die of cardiac arrest.

It is the inverse of the guillotine. Rather than painless for the convict but gruesome for witnesses, the three-drug cocktail may be easy on witnesses but brutal for the victim — an inert body suffering unspeakable pain.

The Supreme Court may end up banning the cocktail, but such a ruling would only inspire state officials to mix up a new set of drugs. The new protocol may at first appear to work smoothly, but decades of executions have taught us this: Technical systems are prone to failure, and human bodies are irreducibly complex and idiosyncratic. Whatever the technique, executions will go horrifyingly wrong.

Pain is often a necessary part of death. That fact seems unfortunate yet unremarkable in cases of natural death, but when the killing is done deliberately, on our behalf, we keep seeking ways to spare ourselves the dreadful truth.

Mark Essig, the business editor for The Asheville (N.C.) Citizen-Times, is the author of “Edison and the Electric Chair.”

5 Million Say No to Death Penalty



Sant'Egidio Community Presents Petition to U.N.



NEW YORK, NOV. 4, 2007 (Zenit.org).- A global moratorium on the death penalty isn't just an idea of a few countries, but the wish of a large part of the world society, according to a representative of the World Coalition Against the Death Penalty.

Mario Marazziti said this Friday as he led a delegation to the United Nations to deliver a petition signed by 5 million people from 154 countries calling for an end to capital punishment.

The delegation, led by the Community of Sant'Egidio and the World Coalition Against the Death Penalty, delivered the petition to Srgjan Kerim, president of the U.N. General Assembly. Also leading the delegation was Sister Helen Prejean, the author of "Dead Man Walking," which was the basis for the 1995 film of the same name.

On Thursday the human rights committee of the General Assembly was presented with a draft resolution on the issue by the countries of Angola, Albania, Brazil, Croatia, Gabon, Mexico, the Philippines, Portugal (representing the European Union), and New Zealand. The text was presented as a cross-regional initiative with more than 70 nations signing on as co-sponsors.

Stopping short of calling for an all-out abolition of the practice, the resolution calls for a "moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty," reported Reuters.

Will of the world

Asked about the experience of having collected so many signatures, Marazziti told ZENIT that it was the fruit of nine years of work. He added, "To have and collect five million signatures you need to talk to about 50 million people in the world, in 154 countries."

Marazziti said that he believes that the death penalty lowers the state and civil society to the level of a killer, and that while some defend a culture of life, they wind up legitimating a culture of death.

"For the first time a real moral interfaith and also lay/secular front was created" Marazziti noted in reference to the petition. "The thing is that it is a demonstration of the strong will of the world and not just an idea of human rights that is rooted in the Italian or European tradition."

Respect for life

Archbishop Celestino Migliore, permanent observer of the Holy See to the United Nations, told ZENIT that capital punishment "undermines human dignity."

He added, "Our delegation has been insisting on the conviction that the right to life is the proper context in which to deal with the issue because if we respect life in all its stages -- from the womb to the tomb -- we really can adequately resolve the issue of the death penalty."

It is expected that the U.N. General Assembly's human rights committee will vote on the moratorium during the second half of November. If it passes there, it will be put to a vote in the General Assembly in mid-December.

A total of 133 countries have abolished the death penalty in law or in practice, including more than 50 that changed their policies since 1990. Sixty-four other countries and territories continue to retain its use.

Don't rush to resume lethal injections


A Times Editorial

Published November 4, 2007


There is no reason to rush back into executions now that the Florida Supreme Court has given the state's lethal injection protocols the thumbs-up. The U.S. Supreme Court has a case before it that could render the lethal three-chemical cocktail used by Florida and most other death penalty states legally invalid. So it just makes good sense to wait for the nation's high court to rule before resuming executions.

On Thursday, the Florida Supreme Court found that the lethal injection procedures in place in the state are constitutional and do not amount to cruel and unusual punishment. Florida's procedures have undergone various reviews and refinements since the botched execution of Angel Diaz in December.

Diaz's execution team pierced his vein and was forced to inject a second set of chemicals into his other arm, where again the drugs were pumped into Diaz's tissue rather than through his veins. Diaz took more than 30 minutes to die, and it is possible that he felt severe pain during the process but was unable to cry out due to the effects of pancuronium bromide, a paralytic drug that prevented movement.

If the anesthetic sodium pentothal is not administered correctly, an inmate may regain consciousness during the execution and experience pain from the two other lethal drugs. Yet, even after the state's protocol revisions, a qualified medical expert is not required to administer the drugs or evaluate an inmate's level of consciousness.

The state high court found it sufficient that the warden ensure unconsciousness by calling the inmate's name and shaking the inmate before proceeding with the administration of the pain-causing lethal drugs.

Now before the U.S. Supreme Court is Baze vs. Rees, a case out of Kentucky that challenges the use of the lethal three-drug cocktail, primarily because the paralyzing effects of pancuronium bromide can make it impossible to communicate pain. The high court has stayed three executions since it agreed to review the legality of lethal injection. But in Florida, both the state Department of Corrections and the state attorney general's office have indicated that they plan to move forward on executions despite the high court's actions.

What's the hurry? There are outstanding federal constitutional issues with direct implications for Florida, and the state should be willing to wait until those are resolved. Gov. Charlie Crist should place a moratorium on executions until the U.S. Supreme Court rules.

[Last modified November 3, 2007, 21:10:12]

Sunday, 4 November 2007

Florida's Death Penalty Protocol and What It Could Mean For Baze



Yesterday (Nov. 1, 2007) the Supreme Court of Florida upheld Florida's Lethal Injection Protocol. The decision, Lightbourne v. McCollum, can be found here.


Lightbourne reached the Florida Supreme Court when the Governor put a halt to all Florida executions in 2006, after an inmate's lethal injection execution took "34 minutes, which was substantially longer than in any previous lethal injection in Florida." The Governor then created the Governor's Commission on Administration of Lethal Injection which held hearings and made recommendations to the Florida Department of Corrections ("DOC").


The DOC revised its procedures in May 2007. When a trial court found these procedures inadequate, the DOC issued new procedures in August 2007. It is the August 2007 procedures that Lightborne challenged.
In its decision, the Florida Supreme Court addressed whether after the 2006 execution, and the response from the DOC, there were still issues as to whether Florida's lethal injection protocol was cruel and unusual punishment under the Eighth Amendment. The Florida Court reviewed the DOC's new procedures in accordance with the United States Constitution, and specifically examined whether the August 2007 protocol met Eighth Amendment standards of being "in accords with the dignity of man" and not "inhumane or... excessive."


This review meant the Florida Supreme Court had to establish a standard for gaging the type of risk that could be considered "inhumane" or "excessive" and thereby violate the Eighth Amendment. The standard for gaging risk is exactly what the petitioners in Baze v. Rees asked the U.S. Supreme Court to address. The Petitioner's Petition for Certiorari can be found here. Petitioner's in Baze want the Supreme Court to set a national standard as to the type of risk that will be considered a constitutional violation.


The opinion of the Supreme Court of Kentucky held the Eighth Amendment is violated when there is a "substantial risk of wanton and unnecessary infliction of pain." Missouri has a similar "substantial risk of wanton infliction of pain" standard. The Ninth Circuit stated in Morales v. Hickman, that protocol will violate the Eighth Amendment if it creates an undue and unnecessary risk that the inmate will suffer pain. Throughout their appeals, the Baze Petitioners have urged courts to adopt a legal standard that would prohibit any method of execution that posed an "unnecessary risk" of pain and suffering.


Even in light of Supreme Court review, the Florida Supreme Court still sought to review its own protocol and precedent to determine whether its own protocol met current constitutional standards. The Florida Supreme Court reasoned that in light of the new detailed protocol, and because Lightbourne had failed to establish concrete evidence that the inmate executed in 2006 had suffered pain, that a properly carried out lethal injection execution, with protocol safeguards, would not rise to the level of an Eighth Amendment violation.


The Florida court determined that Lightbourne had not demonstrated the new protocol created either an unnecessary nor foreseeable risk that Florida's DOC procedures for lethal injection would rise to the level of an Eighth Amendment violation. The court also refused to create a specific method or chemical combination for the DOC to follow in future executions. The court stated that unless Lightbourne could point to inherent deficiencies in the current procedure, the court would not intervene.


So what does yesterday's decision mean for Baze v. Rees? The Baze decision goes before the U.S. Supreme Court on slightly different footing than Lightbourne. First, at the time Baze and Bowling filed their petitions, Kentucky did not have a written lethal injection protocol. Kentucky had relied on other states when it adopted its protocol in 1998. Second, Kentucky did not suspend its executions, and review its procedures, because of an execution that went poorly. The only lethal injection execution that took place in Kentucky occurred in 1999, and no there has been no court finding the inmate suffered during that execution. Finally, Kentucky does not use Florida's method to check the condemned's level of consciousness after the first lethal injection drug has been administered.


When Baze and Bowling filed their actions, Kentucky did not use any physical test or machine to insure an inmate was unconscious before injecting the final two drugs. Kentucky's Trial Court findings on its lethal injection protocol can be found here.


However, Lightbourne, Baze and Bowling all contest the use of the same three drugs, and all assert that there is a risk that the protocol could cause suffering that would be considered cruel and unusual punishment. A ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court could answer both challenges by setting a legal standard - such as "substantial risk" and could ask states to adopt certain specific written protocol.


In the meantime, keep your eyes peeled for the Florida Supreme Court's decision in Lightbourne's companion case Schwab v. State, No. SC07-1603 (Fla. Nov. 1, 2007). Schwab's execution dated is set for November 15, 2007. The Florida Supreme Court has given parties until Monday, November 5, 2007 to file any motions for rehearing. The response motion is due by noon the next day. In light of the Lightbourne decision, a stay by the Florida Supreme Court seems unlikely.

Capital Punishment Works


Nov. 2, 2007

By ROY D. ADLER and MICHAEL SUMMERS, Wall Street Journal

Recent high-profile events have reopened the debate about the value of
capital punishment in a just society. This is an important discussion,
because the taking of a human life is always a serious matter.

Most commentators who oppose capital punishment assert that an execution has
no deterrent effect on future crimes. Recent evidence, however, suggests
that the death penalty, when carried out, has an enormous deterrent effect
on the number of murders. More precisely, our recent research shows that
each execution carried out is correlated with about 74 fewer murders the
following year.

For any society concerned about human life, that type of evidence is
something that should be taken very seriously.

The study examined the relationship between the number of executions and the
number of murders in the U.S. for the 26-year period from 1979 to 2004,
using data from publicly available FBI sources. The chart nearby shows the
number of executions and murders by year. There seems to be an obvious
negative correlation in that when executions increase, murders decrease, and
when executions decrease, murders increase.

In the early 1980s, the return of the death penalty was associated with a
drop in the number of murders. In the mid-to-late 1980s, when the number of
executions stabilized at about 20 per year, the number of murders increased.
Throughout the 1990s, our society increased the number of executions, and
the number of murders plummeted. Since 2001, there has been a decline in
executions and an increase in murders.

It is possible that this correlated relationship could be mere coincidence,
so we did a regression analysis on the 26-year relationship. The association
was significant at the .00005 level, which meant the odds against the
pattern being simply a random happening are about 18,000 to one. Further
analysis revealed that each execution seems to be associated with 71 fewer
murders in the year the execution took place.

While it is clear that the number of murders is inversely correlated to the
number of executions, it is dangerous to infer causal relationships through
correlative data. Causation can be a two-way street, but not in the case of
capital punishment. It may be logical that more executions could lead to
fewer murders, but it is not at all logical that fewer murders could cause
more executions.

A second difficulty with strong correlative data is that of timing. Causes
should come before effects, so we correlated each year's executions to the
following year's murders and found the results to be even more dramatic. The
association was significant at the .00003 level, which meant the odds
against the random happening are longer than 34,000 to one. Each execution
was associated with 74 fewer murders the following year.

Die-hard campaigners against capital punishment could argue that there might
be yet a third variable, such as a stronger police presence or a population
shift to urban areas, related to each of the other two variables. Such a
variable might exist, but until it can be identified, Occam's razor suggests
the simplest solution is probably the actual solution. We know that, for
whatever reason, there is a simple but dramatic relationship between the
number of executions carried out and a corresponding reduction in the number
of murders.

The conclusion that each execution carried out is associated with the saving
of dozens of innocent lives creates an extraordinarily difficult moral
dilemma for those who campaign against the death penalty. Until now, those
activists could look into the eyes of a convicted killer, hear his or her
sad story, work tirelessly to set aside the execution and, with that goal
accomplished, feel good about themselves for having "saved a life." These
data suggest that the moral equation is not nearly that simplistic.

It now seems that the proper question to ask goes far beyond the obvious one
of "do we save the life of this convicted criminal?" The more proper
question seems to be "do we save this particular life, at a cost of the
lives of dozens of future murder victims?" That is a much more difficult
moral dilemma, which deserves wide discussion in a free society.

---

Source : Wall Street Journal (Mr. Adler is a professor of marketing and Mr.
Summers is a professor of quantitative methods at Pepperdine University)

Brutality, Disguised


The Supreme Court should end both lethal injection and capital punishment altogether

Published On Friday, November 02, 2007 12:44 AM

By THE CRIMSON STAFF

Tuesday evening, Earl W. Berry, a Mississippi prisoner condemned to lethal injection, was just moments away from facing his fate when the Supreme Court wisely granted a stay of execution. Legal experts say that this decision signals to lower courts that a de facto moratorium on lethal injection is in place, at least until the Supreme Court hears a case on whether injection is cruel and unusual later this term. Although this is a step in the right direction, it is a distraction to the real issue at hand: the ultimate end of capital punishment.

It seems likely that the Court will maintain this moratorium on capital punishment until it issues a ruling on whether lethal injection is constitutional, which is appropriate when both the legality and morality of lethal injection remain in question. However, the case it will hear in January relates only to the mode of punishment, not its very existence. While the number of executions per year has dropped to 42 this year, its lowest level in more than a decade, we cannot let the moratorium distract us from the larger issues at stake.

Although lethal injection is less gruesome than other methods of execution, it is no less brutal. Research indicates that the anesthetic can wear off, while another drug keeps the condemned paralyzed, thus giving the illusion of serenity, underscored with massive unseen pain. The drugs are known to take anywhere between seven minutes to two hours to be effective, and finding a suitable vein is often a long, torturous ordeal. It is stupefying to fathom that lethal injection, which has been used for almost 25 years, is only now being seen as cruel and unusual punishment.

This makes lethal injection more insidious. By disguising the true horror of execution with medicine, lethal injection anesthetizes society to what amounts to murder by the state. We hope that the Supreme Court rules against lethal injection, finally recognizing its true nature.

Beyond the method of lethal injection, we believe that the death penalty is categorically wrong, both morally and legally. Our system of justice is inevitably imperfect, and even one tragic mistake costing an innocent life is too much. The connection between the death penalty and racially charged cases is well documented, and the system needs to be reevaluated to eliminate biases. In an age where all of Western Europe, Canada, and many other countries have abolished the death penalty, it is hard to understand how the United States, with its explicit constitutional denunciation of “cruel and unusual punishment,” can justify retaining such anachronistic, unjust, and inherently flawed barbarism.

We can only hope that the justices of the Supreme Court, who voted 7-2 in favor of the stay of execution, will not only end lethal injection but open the door to abolishing capital punishment entirely.

72 countries push for UN moratorium on death penalty


Agence France-Presse
Last updated 09:07am (Mla time) 11/02/2007


UNITED NATIONS -- More than 70 countries have co-sponsored a draft resolution in the UN General Assembly calling for a moratorium on executions with the ultimate goal of abolishing the practice, a diplomat said Thursday.

Giuseppe Manzo, a counselor at Italy's UN mission, said 72 countries were co-sponsoring the draft which was circulated Thursday in the Assembly's human rights committee.

He said the text, which states that the death penalty "undermines human dignity" and that there is no evidence of its "deterrent value", was expected to be put to a vote before the committee in the second half of this month ahead of a vote by the full 192-member assembly.

The draft, a copy of which was obtained by Agence France-Presse, calls on all states which still maintain the death penalty "to establish a moratorium on executions with a view to abolishing the death penalty."

It also urges them "to restrict its use and reduce the number of offenses for which the death penalty may be imposed" and to respect international standards that provide safeguards guaranteeing the protection of those facing execution.

Italy, which joined the Security Council in January, then pledged to use its two-year tenure to push for a moratorium resolution.

The 27-member European Union as a whole is also committed to securing adoption of a resolution banning the death penalty.

Two previous attempts to secure adoption of such a resolution in the General Assembly failed in 1994 and 1999.

According to Amnesty International, 133 countries have abolished the death penalty in law or practice, while 64 countries and territories retain and use capital punishment, although the number of countries which actually execute prisoners in any one year is much smaller.

In an open letter to UN member states last month, Irene Khan, secretary general of the London-based human rights group, appealed for support for a global moratorium on executions.

States likely to delay executions until ruling




A family waits: Jena Watson, whose mother was killed by Earl Berry, spoke to reporters after the Supreme Court stayed his execution. She said the case has worn out her family.






The US Supreme Court's stay of an execution Tuesday signals a moratorium on lethal injections until it decides a key case.

from the November 2, 2007 edition




Washington - When the US Supreme Court agreed in late September to take up a Kentucky case testing the constitutionality of the protocol used for executions by lethal injection, the action raised an immediate question.

What about other death row inmates slated for execution; should their scheduled executions be postponed pending a final decision by the high court?

It took more than a month of confusing signals, but the Supreme Court appears to have finally answered that question when it granted a last-minute stay of execution Tuesday evening for a Mississippi death row inmate.

Legal analysts say the action makes it highly unlikely that there will be any executions by lethal injection in the US until after the high court hands down its decision in the Kentucky case.

"I wouldn't place any wagers on any [scheduled executions] being carried out," says Kent Scheidegger, who closely follows death penalty issues at the Criminal Justice Legal Foundation in Sacramento, Calif. He says stays of execution will most likely be issued by state and federal judges and that those stays will not be disturbed by the high court.

"There may be a couple of skirmishes, but the main war is over," says Richard Dieter of the Death Penalty Information Center in Washington, D.C. "This is the clearest indication that there is pretty much a de facto moratorium on executions until the Supreme Court decides this [lethal injection] issue."

The Kentucky case, Baze v. Rees, is expected to be heard by the justices in January or February. The Supreme Court will issue a decision by late June.

Of more than three dozen death penalty states, all but one use lethal injection as the preferred method of execution. Most employ the same three-drug protocol at issue in the Kentucky case.

The justices have agreed to clarify when a lethal injection execution might amount to a form of cruel and unusual punishment because of a risk of pain associated with the procedure. The question is how much pain is too much pain under the Eighth Amendment.

"The law applied by lower courts is a haphazard flux ranging from requiring 'wanton infliction of pain,' 'excessive pain,' 'unnecessary pain,' 'substantial risk,' 'unnecessary risk,' 'substantial risk of wanton and unnecessary pain,' and numerous other ways of describing when a method of execution is cruel and unusual," writes David Barron, a lawyer for death row inmate Ralph Baze in his brief to the court.

Given the prospect that lethal injection might amount to cruel and unusual punishment under certain circumstances, legal analysts had questioned whether the court would move to prevent all executions while the Kentucky case was pending. But on Sept. 25 – the same day the high court announced it would hear the Kentucky case – the justices refused to block the execution of Texas death row inmate Michael Richard.

The justices turned down a last-minute, after-hours appeal by Mr. Richard's lawyers. He was put to death that night by the same lethal injection protocol at issue in the pending Kentucky case. That action raised the prospect that other death row inmates could be put to death via a lethal injection protocol that might soon be declared cruel and unusual.

Three weeks later, the court seemed to reverse course when it moved to block scheduled executions in Arkansas and Virginia.

The actions sent new and conflicting signals to state and federal judges. In addition, the court's moves led to confusion among state officials intent on carrying out what they saw as long overdue punishments, and among defense lawyers seeking ways to slow down the capital punishment process.

Some analysts say the justices appeared to be trying to draw a careful distinction between legitimately filed death row appeals on one hand and last-minute, successive appeals that haphazardly grasp for any legal straw that might delay an execution on the other.

The granted stay in the Mississippi case on Tuesday is being widely viewed as a signal by the high court that all lethal injection executions should be stayed pending resolution of the Kentucky case.

The justices granted the last-minute stay of execution in the case of Mississippi death row inmate Earl Berry, who had exhausted all of his appeals. He received his stay of execution even though he presented his lethal-injection appeal in violation of requirements that such appeals be filed much earlier in the process, legal analysts say.

The next test of the court's posture on this issue could come in Florida with the scheduled Nov. 15 execution of Mark Schwab. "That might still be a test case," says Mr. Dieter, if the Florida Supreme Court rules the Schwab execution can go forward. But he adds that the more likely scenario is that the Florida courts or a federal judge will halt the Schwab execution pending the outcome of the Kentucky case at the US Supreme Court.

Doctors and medical ethicist discuss whether doctors should participate in capital punishment


Hugo Mann
Published 11/02/2007 - 2:19 p.m. EDT

ROCHESTER, Minn. -- Should doctors be involved in the state-ordered administration of capital punishment? In the September issue of Mayo Clinic Proceedings, three anesthesiologists and a medical ethicist take an in-depth look at this question in a commentary and two editorials.

None of these articles debate whether capital punishment is justifiable. Instead, the authors explore the current position of the American Medical Association (AMA), which prohibits physician participation in legally authorized executions. Here are a few highlights of the arguments presented in these articles.

In a commentary article, David Waisel, M.D., an anesthesiologist practicing at Children’s Hospital Boston, Harvard Medical School, asserts that it is time to reassess the AMA’s position on this issue and allow doctors to participate in state-mandated executions to help provide the condemned a more humane path to death. Dr. Waisel cites numerous details about the technical problems associated with lethal injection, the form of capital punishment most commonly used in the United States today. Dr. Waisel reasons that doctors, possess the skills to administer the medications used in lethal injections in a manner that prevents undue suffering.

“If state administration of capital punishment is legal and ongoing, humane methods of execution should be sought and applied. It is honorable for physicians to minimize the harm to these condemned individuals and organized medicine has an obligation to permit physician participation in legal execution,” he writes.

Two editorials that follow Dr. Waisel’s commentary arrive at the opposite conclusion. In one editorial, William Lanier, M.D., editor in chief, Mayo Clinic Proceedings, and Keith Berge, M.D., who are anesthesiologists at Mayo Clinic applaud Dr. Waisel for “bringing forward this emotional issue so that it can be pondered and discussed by a broad audience.” But the authors oppose doctors’ participation in capital punishment, arguing that the Hippocratic oath that guides doctors prohibits medical professionals from assisting in executions.

“In the case of capital punishment, we believe that whatever theoretical good might emerge from a successful and well-executed judicial killing, there is certainly harm in causing the death of a person under a physician’s care,” say Drs. Lanier and Berge.

Drs. Lanier and Berge propose replacing the anesthesia-related drugs currently used in lethal injections with personnel and tools that are “clearly distinguished from representing medical care.”

In a second editorial, Arthur Caplan, Ph.D., a medical ethicist at the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, also argues against the participation of doctors in execution. Dr. Caplan asserts that a doctor does not have a duty to alleviate the suffering of a condemned person unless that prisoner has a previous medical relationship with that doctor.

“It seems a bit late for physicians to step forward in the context of an execution and say they are motivated by a duty of mercy given that many prisoners suffer miserably because of the poor state of prison-based medicine,” says Dr. Caplan.

Dr. Caplan also suggests that involving doctors in capital punishment may affect the overall moral standing accorded the practice of execution because “physician prestige and the respect afforded medicine are in part transferred to executions when physicians are involved.”

Dr. Caplan asserts that physicians are not needed to serve as executioners using lethal injection because “… governments and societies committed to execution using this technique can achieve this goal by properly training executioners.”

Information provied by Mayo Clinic press release. (Visit the USA Daily Forum to discuss this and other issues.)

Lethal method okay in Florida


State Supreme Court allows the procedure despite a case before U.S. Supreme Court.

By MEG LAUGHLIN and JACOB H. FRIES, Times Staff Writers
Published November 2, 2007

The state Supreme Court ruled Thursday that lethal injections can proceed in Florida.

Executions were halted in December when then-Gov. Jeb Bush ordered an investigation into the three-injection procedure after a condemned inmate appeared to wince in pain and took more than 30 minutes to die.

Since then, the Department of Corrections implemented new procedures to ensure that the first injection renders inmates unconscious, including "an eyelash touch, calling the inmate's name and shaking the inmate."

The Supreme Court decided that the new checks are a sufficient test of unconsciousness before the paralyzing and killing injections are administered.

If inmates are not unconscious, executions can be deemed "cruel and unusual punishment."

After the problematic execution of Angel Diaz in December, questions arose about whether he felt any pain and about the training of the execution team.

While most condemned Florida inmates stop moving within a few minutes after an execution begins and are pronounced dead within 15 minutes, Diaz moved for about 26 minutes and was not pronounced dead for more than 30 minutes after the curtain opened.

Tampa anesthesiologist David Varlotta, who was appointed to the Bush investigative commission, said he was surprised at the court's decision Thursday.

"I cannot agree that individuals without advanced medical training would have the ability to adequately assess the level of anesthetic depth," he said.

Suzanne Keffer, attorney for condemned inmate Deco Lightbourne, filed one of the two challenges to the lethal injection procedure that the court addressed Thursday.

"Most states make sure the qualifications of the executioners are known, if not their identity," she said. "But not Florida. Here, they are ignoring that a nonmedical person is doing this."

Keffer said she had expected the Florida Supreme Court to wait for the U.S. Supreme Court to set the standard for lethal injection procedures, which the high court is expected to do in the next few months when it hears a Kentucky case.

But Sandi Copes, spokeswoman for the state attorney general's office, disagreed that the U.S. Supreme Court ruling would affect Florida.

"Every case is different," she said. "The two Florida cases are not the Kentucky case."

Copes said that the state Supreme Court "decided in our favor because we had a strong case that showed the improved lethal injection procedures are not an Eighth Amendment violation."

But the ruling disturbed anti-death penalty advocates. Mark Elliott, director of Floridians for Alternatives to the Death Penalty, said arguments about lethal injection procedures muddle the debate surrounding the death penalty in Florida.

"We should be focused more on the madness rather than the method," he said. "It's not how we kill captive prisoners. It's the fact that we shouldn't be killing them at all. ... It really boils down to the fact that there is not a humane way to commit an inhumane deed."

Besides Lightbourne, inmate Mark Schwab, whose execution is set for Nov. 15, also challenged Florida's method of lethal injection. But the court stated that he added no new information to the Lightbourne argument and also ruled against him.

Schwab's and Lightbourne' s lawyers have until Monday to request rehearings from the Florida Supreme Court, which will rule on their motions Tuesday.

Then the lawyers for the two condemned men can appeal to the U.S. Supreme Court. Attorneys for Schwab must appeal before Nov. 15.

Schwab, 38, was convicted in the rape and murder of 11-year-old Junny Rios-Martinez in 1991.

Lightbourne, 47, was convicted of killing Nancy O'Farrell in 1981 after breaking into her Marion County home.

Richard Dieter, executive director of the Death Penalty Information Center, a nonprofit group in Washington, said he believed Schwab's execution would be stayed pending a decision by the U.S. Supreme Court.

"It would very surprising if Florida went ahead," he said. "It's certainly our tradition that the Supreme Court does provide the law of the land and the interpretation of the Constitution. "

But Dieter said he expected the high court's decision to be limited to the method of execution, and not undermine the legitimacy of the death penalty in general.

"I think we may even see a surge in executions next year," he said.

[Last modified November 1, 2007, 23:56:44]

It’s Not Whether to Kill, but How


LETHAL RECIPE Dosages for the lethal “three-drug cocktail” were posted on a wall near the death chamber at the prison in Lucasville, Ohio, in 2005.


By ELIZABETH WEIL

WHEN the Supreme Court stayed an execution last week for the third time in October, making the month the first in nearly three years with no executions, the justices sent a clear message to the states: Don’t execute anybody until we have decided Baze v. Rees, a death penalty case scheduled to be argued in January.

This de facto moratorium on executions might sound like great news for death penalty opponents. And in the sense that the country will probably not execute anybody for perhaps seven more months, it is. But at stake in the Baze case, as in the dozens of other death penalty cases wending their way through the courts, is not the constitutionality of capital punishment. What’s at stake is the constitutionality of how the state kills inmates, and whether or not the method being used— known as the “three-drug cocktail” — adequately protects the condemned from undue pain and suffering. Those protections come under the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution, which bars cruel and unusual punishment.

Recently, a United States District Court judge in Tennessee ruled that the state had, in fact, violated the Eighth Amendment by disregarding the “substantial risk” that the three-drug cocktail would cause “unnecessary pain.” Those risks could have been addressed by additional safeguards, the judge said, or by switching to a straight no-chaser consisting of an overdose of a single barbiturate, the method recommended by a state study commission.

The single-drug procedure is already used routinely in the United States, on animals. It’s what is euphemized by the phrase, “I had to put my pet to sleep.” One possible result of the upcoming Supreme Court case is that execution protocols could switch from the standard three-drug cocktail to the single-drug format for animals recommended by the American Veterinary Medical Association.

The history of capital punishment in the United States has been filled with a peripatetic search for a method of killing that doesn’t offend a blood-thirsty, yet tough-on-crime, yet squeamish public. Nooses, if the drop is too short, leave bodies twitching; if the drop is too long, heads pop off. Electric chairs result in horrible odors and burns. Firing squads are too violent. Gas chambers take too long and are too grotesque. (One 1992 lethal gas execution in Arizona caused an attorney general to throw up and a warden to threaten to quit if he had to execute by that method again.)

Hoping to coat the nastiness of killing with a veneer of medical respectability — and also hoping to save the state the expense of fixing its electric chair — Dr. Jay Chapman, then the chief medical examiner in Oklahoma, devised the three-drug cocktail in 1977. Dr. Chapman has described himself as “an expert in matters after death but not in getting people that way,” and he has acknowledged never having done any research on how best to kill a man. Nonetheless, some version of his three-drug cocktail is now used by the federal government and the 37 states that kill inmates by lethal injection. (Nebraska, the 38th state with a death penalty, uses the electric chair.)

The three-drug cocktail is meant to mimic the induction of general anesthesia and it works like this: The execution team inserts an IV line into the condemned prisoner and then delivers a dose of sodium pentothal, an “ultrashort-acting barbiturate,” intended to render the inmate deeply unconscious. A second drug, pancuronium bromide, a muscle relaxant, then paralyzes all skeletal muscles including the diaphragm. (This keeps the inmate from gasping, moaning, flopping around on the gurney or otherwise disturbing the witnesses; it also keeps him from breathing.) The third drug, potassium chloride, stops the heart.

In theory this method should kill inmates quickly and painlessly. The problem is that in practice lethal injections are botched routinely. In May 2006, in Ohio, Joseph Clark raised his head in the middle of his own execution to say, “It’s not working.” In December 2006, Angel Diaz, in Florida, grimaced on the gurney for 26 minutes. He sustained 11-inch and 12-inch chemical burns on his left and right arms respectively, and took 34 minutes to die.

The reasons for this include bad personnel selection (dyslexic doctors, guards with histories of drug and prisoner abuse) and inadequate training for death teams. (“Training? We don’t have training, really,” one team member from San Quentin in California said under oath.)

Virtually no respected physicians participate in executions, as doing so violates medical ethics. Supporters of the three-drug method, like Dr. Mark Dershwitz, a professor of anesthesiology at the University of Massachusetts Medical School, contend “you don’t need a lot of fancy initials after your name” to start and maintain an IV line. But while that’s true in most settings, securing IV access can be tricky when the person assigned to the job is extremely anxious, or when the person on the receiving end is cold, nervous, obese or has a history of IV drug use, not an unlikely set of problems in an execution suite.

To complicate matters, pancuronium bromide, the paralytic agent, prevents execution team members from knowing if the inmate is in pain, since he can’t speak or move. And the third drug, potassium chloride — the killer — is reported to cause an excruciating sense of burning in the veins. So a very painful death is a perfectly plausible outcome.

In the last year, a Federal District Court judge in California, as well as the Tennessee commission, conducted full reviews of their states’ lethal injection protocols. Both concluded that either their departments of corrections needed to ditch the three-drug cocktail and kill inmates with a massive dose of a single barbiturate, or execution teams needed to be better trained. Thus far no state has opted for the single-drug format. The reluctance stems from several causes, including the simple fact that no state as ever used a single-drug overdose to kill an inmate before, and experts are worried that killing an inmate with one drug instead of three might take more time, and that might be unpleasant to watch.

Whether states will be forced to go the single-drug route and thus give to condemned prisoners the same consideration veterinarians give household pets will ultimately come down to the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Eighth Amendment. The central question of Baze is: Does the Eighth Amendment bar an execution method that creates an unnecessary risk of pain and suffering, or does it merely protect inmates against the wanton infliction of pain and suffering?

If it’s the former, then the three-drug cocktail is probably unconstitutional, because states would not have a compelling reason to continue to use it. But if it’s the latter, then states could probably stick with the old deathly recipe, as long as someone on the execution team had the fortitude, after administering the first drug, to shake the inmate or look in his eyes, or otherwise make a passing attempt to see if the anesthetic took.

Berry's parents reflect on years of sorrow

11/3/2007 4:50:24 AM
Daily Journal

Velma Berry of Mantee

By Galen Holley
Daily Journal


MANTEE - The 72-year-old mother of murderer Earl Wesley Berry says there's one thing she wants people to know: "We're not angry, not bitter - we just appreciate the prayer and love for our son."

Sitting beside William, her husband of 56 years, Velma Berry talked Friday about their son and what their lives have been like while he spent the past 19 years in prison.

Some might think the Berrys' statement about not being angry is coming from the wrong people. After all, their son was convicted of - and confessed to - the brutal murder of 56-year-old Mary Bounds of Houston in 1987. Tuesday, Berry was making final preparations for his scheduled execution by lethal injection when the U.S. Supreme Court ordered a stay.

His parents have been publicly silent until now. But Velma said she felt compelled to respond after Mary Bounds' husband, Charles, erupted with emotion after the execution was halted. He was quoted as threatening to kill Earl if he ever were released from prison.

"That's just not Christian," said Velma.

The Berrys were at the state penitentiary at Parchman on Tuesday, where their son was scheduled to die at 6 p.m. As the hours ticked by, the Berrys felt as if his final moments were on public display.

During their visit that day, she said, "We had spoken with him a little." As he had done over the years, he ended their conversation early, saying "It's time for y'all to go."

Velma and William left their son, having no idea that a last-second reprieve was about to be issued because of questions about the lethal injection method of execution. They spent what they thought were his last moments in the Parchman Chapel, reflecting on their son's life.



Looking back

"He was a kind-hearted, loving person," Velma said in the living room of the Berrys' Mantee home. "Everyone loved him."

William added that as a large, strong boy, Earl enjoyed rugged repasts such as sports, hunting and racing.

However, Earl struggled in school. Throughout his son's youth, William took him to "every kind of special school imaginable" for what they considered a learning disability.

"A doctor said that he had the mental capacity of a 7-year-old," said William, referring to an assessment made during Earl's trial in Chickasaw County.

By their own admission, the events are foggy surrounding the night of Mary Bounds' murder, as is the little information their son has disclosed to them.

Sitting in her favorite chair, Velma displayed a picture of her son at 19 years old - a stocky boy, with long, thick hair falling over hulking shoulders and wearing a camouflage T-shirt.

"This was taken at rehab," she said, adding that Earl struggled with alcohol since an early age.

"People could talk him into anything," said William.

Childhood companions once convinced Earl to dive out of a tree into a pond. "He busted a hole in his head," said William. It was not unusual for Earl's friends to talk him into picking a fight.

The Berrys said that intoxicating substances and suspect companions were mingling the night of the murder. "They were drinking," recalled Velma. "He and his younger brother got into a fight, and one of them got their teeth knocked out."

According to William, his son later was passed out in the back seat of a vehicle as two other men drove to Earl's sister-in-law's house. "She ran them off because they were rowdy," said Velma. After that, things get even blurrier.

William, a retired farmer, said that in the 20 years since, Earl has kept his parents at arm's length, telling them very little of what happened and insisting that he "doesn't remember."

Velma and William say they believe him.

However, Earl does remember and has related to his parents what he claims was unjust treatment at the hands of the authorities. "They kept him in there for hours and hours and, eventually, he just blurted out" that he did it, said William.

The Berrys insist that a mixture of their son's mental simplicity, questionable informants and an unfair jury combined to convict their son.

However, the Berrys have not ruled out the possibility of his guilt.

"We just want to know the truth," said William, nudging a tabby cat and recalling his son's fondness for animals. The Berrys say they can understand the anger of Charles Bounds and know that the loss must be devastating to his family.

As she and her husband perused a photograph album, Velma added: "Twenty years is an awfully long time to hurt. We've hurt. We know that he hurts."

Their wish is that - guilty or not - their son's death is not added to the tragedy of Mary Bounds.

Contact Daily Journal religion editor Galen Holley at 678-1510 or galen.holley@djournal.com